Call number: LD2668 .T4 1965 J14 / Master of Science

This essay takes the novel Sundown (1934), written by Native American writer John Joseph Mathews in the context of the Osage oil boom, as a literary source in order to address the question of how oil projects expectations of a glorious future, but actually prevents development in a colonial context. In this paper modernity is seen as a process of creation and destruction, able to create new ways of living and destroying the previous order, able to cause problems, but also find solutions in its never-ending movement. Oil-capitalism is one of the main reasons why modernity as we know it is possible, but it is also the cause of many modern problems. This essay examines negative impact of modernity outside the European and Euro-American cultures, and raises the possibility of an alternative to Western modernity, where development would be fair not only on the economic level, but also on the social and environmental one. In the first part the essay analyses the social effects of oil, such as the destabilization of the Osage culture and their exclusion from the system, which leads to stagnation and personal frustration; in the second part it interprets Sundown as a modernist anti-developmental novel, arguing that the stunted main character and plot are direct reflections of the context of impossible development. The paper concludes with an ecocritical discussion about the possibility of a post-oil future of human and environmental justice, and by extension, about an alternative to the Western modernity.

The entire thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file; a non-technical public abstract appears in the public.pdf file. Title from PDF of title page (University of Missouri--Columbia, viewed on January 19, 2010). Thesis advisor: Dr. Charles F. Rabeni. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.S.)--Northwest Missouri State University, 2008. / The full text of the thesis is included in the pdf file. Title from title screen of full text.pdf file (viewed on December 17, 2008) Includes bibliographical references.

Doctor of Education / Department of Educational Leadership / Kakali Bhattacharya / There is minimal scholarship related to modern Osage perspectives in the field of education. Yet, the pursuit of cultural healing relies on self-representation to move Osages toward a higher degree of self-determination, and calls for voices within the community who share zones of cultural and professional intersectionality. Using Red Pedagogy (Grande, 2008) and traditional Osage ribbon work (Dennison, 2012, 2013) as a framework, this critical Indigenous autoethnographic inquiry works to advance conversations about settler-colonial entanglements in education from the perspective of an Indigenous (Osage)-White educator and educational leadership doctoral student. This inquiry uses writing as both field and method (Richardson & St. Pierre, 2005) to explore Osage perspectives related to topics of Transformational Indigenous Praxis (Pewewardy, 2017), White privilege (McIntosh, 2003) as a pale-skinned American Indian, American Indian mascots (Pewewardy, 2000) from educational leadership perspectives (NPBEA, 2015; Waters & Cameron, 2007), and ecologically informed consciousness (Cajete, 1994).

no / Pomiferin is a unique, prenylated isoflavonoid that can be isolated and purified from the fruits of Maclura pomifera (Osage Orange). The molecule typically is isolated with a small amount of a molecule called Osajin which is structurally similar to Pomiferin but lacks an aromatic hydroxyl group. As a consequence, Osajin has been shown to be a less effective antioxidant than Pomiferin. In vitro studies on Normal Human Dermal Fibroblasts demonstrate that Pomiferin is a potent extracellular matrix protein stimulant, showing increases in collagen, elastin and fibrillin expression comparable or superior to equivalent concentrations of retinol. Ex vivo hair follicle assays demonstrate comparable effects on expression of collagen and elastin at Pomiferin concentrations in the range of 0.05–5 ppm. Taken together, the results from the two assays conducted on different models indicate that Pomiferin may be a very interesting ingredient for topical skin and scalp treatments where modulation of the expression of extracellular matrix proteins is important.

Master of Science / Apparel, Textiles, and Interior Design / Sherry J. Haar / This study compared the colorfastness of potassium aluminum sulfate (PAS) mordanted and nonmordanted 30/2 wool yarn, dyed with black walnut (Juglans Nigra), Osage orange (Maclura pomifera), and eastern redcedar (Juniperus virginiana) sawdust. Information from this study is intended to inform natural dye artisans and to increase the profitability of sawdust for farmers, ranchers, and mill owners who would otherwise find little use for this byproduct of timber manufacturing. Pre-testing ensured dyeings of visually comparable color depth and dye concentrations were pre-tested to find a standard depth of shade between the same dye on PAS mordanted and nonmordanted wool yarns. Tests for colorfastness to light, laundering and staining were performed in accordance to AATCC test methods. Resulting colors for exposed and unexposed specimens were rated using CIE L* a* b* values and AATCC gray scale for color change. GLM Anovas and two-sample t-tests were used to statistically analyze CIE L* a* b* values. As expected, findings indicated that dye absorption was improved with the use of a PAS mordant, especially for black walnut and eastern redcedar. For yarns premordanted with PAS the dyewoods became yellower. A PAS mordant slightly improved colorfastness to light for black walnut and eastern redcedar, but did not influence Osage orange which had an unexpected color change from bright yellow to warm brown after exposure to light. Colorfastness to laundering was slightly improved with PAS for Osage orange, while black walnut and eastern red cedar had slightly less color change without the mordant. This research was supported by the Agricultural Research Experiment Station and Kansas State University.

<p>In the winter of 1819 the United States shook under the first Great Depression, and on the Missouri River a great military/scientific enterprise sent to secure Missouri Territory shivered and died from cholera and scurvy. In 1820 Maj. Stephen Long and a poorly equipped expedition of twenty-three soldiers, amateur scientists, and landscape painters, set out from Engineer Cantonment to circumnavigate the unknown Central Great Plains during the height of summer, and rescue something from the debacle. After weathering endless rain and hallucinating waves of Comanche, they divided into two groups at the Arkansas, and then either starved and endured weeks of rain on the lower Arkansas, or ate rancid skunk and endured blistering sun on the 'Red River'. On return they found Long had 'mistaken' the Canadian River for the Red, and that they were yet another failed expedition to know the Louisiana Purchase. Unsurprisingly, Long labeled the whole place a "great desert." An editor improved the phrase to <i>Great American Desert</i>, and emblazoned the phrase on history.</p> <p><i>A Persistent Mirage</i> is both an exegesis of the GAD myth and an HGIS study of the groups and biomes the desert mirage occludes. Desert was a cultural term meaning <i>beyond the pale</i> that beached with the Puritans. Like Turner's frontier, it stayed a step ahead of settlement, moving west to the tall grass prairies before crossing the Mississippi to colonize the Great Plains. Once there it did calculable damage to the writing of Plains Aboriginal history. After all, who lives upon deserts but wandering beasts and savages? Beneath the mirage was an aboriginal network of agricardos, or agricultural and trading centers, growing enough food to support large populations, and produce tradable surpluses, under-girded by bison protein. Euramericans from Cabeza de Vaca on were drawn to agricardos which helped broker the passages of horses to the Northern Plains and of firearms to the Southwest. While some withstood epidemic disease, the escalation of inter-group violence and environmental degradation due to the adoption of the horse by agricardo groups proved their undoing. Beneath the Great American Desert lies the great Indian agricardo complex, with its history just begun.</p>

<p>In the winter of 1819 the United States shook under the first Great Depression, and on the Missouri River a great military/scientific enterprise sent to secure Missouri Territory shivered and died from cholera and scurvy. In 1820 Maj. Stephen Long and a poorly equipped expedition of twenty-three soldiers, amateur scientists, and landscape painters, set out from Engineer Cantonment to circumnavigate the unknown Central Great Plains during the height of summer, and rescue something from the debacle. After weathering endless rain and hallucinating waves of Comanche, they divided into two groups at the Arkansas, and then either starved and endured weeks of rain on the lower Arkansas, or ate rancid skunk and endured blistering sun on the 'Red River'. On return they found Long had 'mistaken' the Canadian River for the Red, and that they were yet another failed expedition to know the Louisiana Purchase. Unsurprisingly, Long labeled the whole place a "great desert." An editor improved the phrase to <i>Great American Desert</i>, and emblazoned the phrase on history.</p> <p><i>A Persistent Mirage</i> is both an exegesis of the GAD myth and an HGIS study of the groups and biomes the desert mirage occludes. Desert was a cultural term meaning <i>beyond the pale</i> that beached with the Puritans. Like Turner's frontier, it stayed a step ahead of settlement, moving west to the tall grass prairies before crossing the Mississippi to colonize the Great Plains. Once there it did calculable damage to the writing of Plains Aboriginal history. After all, who lives upon deserts but wandering beasts and savages? Beneath the mirage was an aboriginal network of agricardos, or agricultural and trading centers, growing enough food to support large populations, and produce tradable surpluses, under-girded by bison protein. Euramericans from Cabeza de Vaca on were drawn to agricardos which helped broker the passages of horses to the Northern Plains and of firearms to the Southwest. While some withstood epidemic disease, the escalation of inter-group violence and environmental degradation due to the adoption of the horse by agricardo groups proved their undoing. Beneath the Great American Desert lies the great Indian agricardo complex, with its history just begun.</p>

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