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The intensely divided but vocal minority that denounced Great Britain's declaration of war in 1914 and decried Britain's continuance in the war illustrated both the strengths and weaknesses of their nation's politics and the impotence of dissent against a majority united in arms.

This study is a transdisciplinary inquiry into the reasons for waging war, for fighting, and for repudiating war as an instrument of foreign policy. In Part I, its essential premise is that there are many ways for analysing the ethics and morality of war, and that to develop a comprehensive understanding of this subject one must be willing to engage with a broad range of alternate views. Though moralists usually argue about the rights and wrongs of conduct from within a given set of ethical ideas, the author's aim has been to move beyond the accepted boundaries of current philosophical argument.Questions raised include: To what extent is it morally right to adopt non-violent, pacifist or abolitionist attitudes?; How should the morality of domestic and ethnic wars be considered?; What are the human costs of war? Case studies such as the Vietnam War, the Falklands War, the Gulf War, Bosnia and Rwanda are used. In Part II, three inescapable observations add to the foundation of the thesis.First, war is not inevitable. Second, the need to prevent war is increasingly urgent.Third, preventing war is possible.Examples from 'hot' spots around the world illustrate that the potential for domestic war can be diffused through the early, skillful and integrated application of political, diplomatic, economic and military measures / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) (Social Ecology)

The object of the thesis was to build a portrait of a local peace movement in order to contrast and compare it with existing descriptions of the peace movement written from a national perspective. The Sheffield Peace Movement is examined from the commemoration of the twentieth anniversary of the outbreak of the Great War to the disestablishment and reformation of the Sheffield Trades and Labour Council in 1940 as a result of its support for the anti-war line taken by the Communist Party of Great Britain. The peace movement is treated holistically. Political, religious and other organisations associated with it are discussed alongside groups specifically devoted to the issues of peace. These various strands are followed through from the impulse to unity which existed after the successful operation of the Peace Ballot, through the fundamental division between pacifist and pacificist outlooks which began with the War in Abyssinia, to the final split of the movement when its large pacificist majority accepted the necessity for war with Germany. The character of local peace movements, it is suggested, depended very much on the political, social and economic context in which they flourished. The history of the Sheffield movement is characterised by competition between three groups for its leadership. The Labour Party dominated its political relationships but is scarcely to be understood without reference to Communistinspired efforts to form a Popular Front of socialist and liberal groups. The Anglican Church leadership provided a strand of pacificism difficult to distinguish from defencism but nevertheless crucial to the position of the majority of the movement at the outbreak of war, while Nonconformism dominated the city's pacifism. Despite the strength of both these party political and religious influences, however, the League of Nations Union led the Sheffield movement during two key periods. The growth of the pacificist consensus, which at a national level saw the formation of a coalition spanning both right and left of British politics, is a stronger theme in Sheffield than the move of the minority pacifist wing into absolutism. The impact of a new "realism" on the "utopian" theories of the first decade and a half after the Great War is generally to be found in the move from the quasi-pacifism of the early thirties, which found expression on the Left in Sheffield in the policy of working-class war-resistance, to the rather crude version of League of Nations inspired Collective Security embodied in the mutual defence pacts and guarantees sought by Britain after March 1939. The ideological complexion of Sheffield's Left-wing and its importance in the deliberations of the Sheffield Trades and Labour Council ensured that, overlaying the general move towards pacificism, were a number of specific objections to aspects of the "realist" policies espoused by the national Labour leadership rooted in Communist Party policy and opposition to Chamberlain's National Government. The superficial similarities between communist objections to specific aspects of war preparations and the policies of the pacifist rump of the peace movement gave the impression that Sheffield was a centre of opposition to the war. The fundamental division between the pacificist and pacifist approaches ensured. however, that these two groups, the only remaining anti-war elements of the Sheffield movement after October 1939, never entered a formal alliance. The Communist Left remained wedded to interaction with working class groups while the remaining pacifists became isolated and increasingly quietist under the relentless pressure of the pro-war majority including their former pacificist colleagues in the peace movement.

This paper examines how the Mennonite theology of pacifism has enacted, perpetuated, and allowed for violence against particularly marginalized groups such as women and the LGBTQ+ community. Through studying contemporary Mennonite literature, this paper attempts to discover how this literature reveals this violence, shows it to be working, and attempts to redeem the Mennonite faith and pacifism itself as positive in the world. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

La notion de lieu sert à caractériser, en termes métaphoriques autant que concrets, l'objet paradoxal et protéen de cette étude, à savoir l'écriture de la performance dont Jackson Mac Low, entre 1954 et le début des années 1980, contribua à décupler la puissance d'hybridation et de déstabilisation aussi bien générique que sémiotique et politique. Ses partitions (comme celles à la notation indéterminée de certains compositeurs expérimentaux de son époque tels John Cage, Morton Feldman, Earle Brown ou Christian Wolff) prescrivent la performance sans en déterminer nécessairement le medium, la structure, ou la durée. Une dynamique imperceptible travaille ces textes, et leur fixité sur la page souvent illusoire masque un processus sans fin de multiplication et de devenir. Cette fuite de l'objet présente un défi à l'analyse non seulement textuelle, mais aussi de ce qui a lieu (au moment de la performance) malgré et par le non-lieu de textes qui échappent aux lieux communs littéraires que sont la constitution et la hiérarchisation d'une œuvre, ou son inscription dans des cadres génériques clairs. Prise dans le contexte philosophique et politique de la pensée anarcho--pacifiste du poète, l'écriture de la performance prend tout son sens et sa portée. Elle apparaît alors comme le lieu d'une tension entre utopie et hétérotopie, tension définitoire de l'investissement de Mac Low dans l'espace communautaire : à la fois omniprésente et marginale (une marginalisation par le milieu ou par le centre, en quelque sorte), sa participation à travers la performance est dotée d'une force de transformation et de subversion éminemment politique, au sens que Jacques Rancière donne à ce terme. / The notion of place (in its metaphorical and concrete implications) serves to characterize the paradoxical, protean object of this study namely. Jackson Mac Low's performance writing. From 1954 .to the early 1980s, the poet enhanced the disruptive impact of his practice, both in .terms of generic hybridization and semiotic, political subversion. His scores prescribe performance, yet they rarely determine every aspect of its medium, structure, or duration (in asimilar way to the indeterminate notation of such experimental composers as John Cage, Morton Feldman, Earle Brown, or Christian Wolff). An invisible dynamic force animates these texts whose seeming fixity on the page often conceals an endless process of multiplication and becoming. The lasting elusiveness of the textual Object challenges analysis as well as the understanding of what actually takes place in the Mac Lowian performance despite, or by way of, a "non-place" wherein the barriers of literary commonplaces such as the norm of a hierarchically structured opus that may be framed generically — are transcended.. The processual form takes its full import when linked to the poet's anarcho-pacifist beliefs: it then materializes the tension between utopia and heterotopy, which defin.es his unique relationship with the communities he was involved in. Mac Low's participation in many existing artistic and literary communities of his time was ubiquitously central and marginal. By virtue of its transformative and subversive impact, Mac Low's performance writing anticipates and shapes new communities, and thus appears to be, in Jacques Rancières understanding of the word, eminently political.

Le présent travail se propose d’investiguer dans une perspective psychosociale, les relations entre l’événement historique majeur qu’a constitué la Première Guerre mondiale et les attitudes pacifistes actuelles des jeunes Européens. Celui-ci s’élabore en deux parties adoptant chacune une perspective théorique, méthodologique et contextuelle particulière. La première s’ancre dans le champ théorique des représentations sociales et s’attache, à travers une enquête menée dans vingt-deux pays d’Europe, à mettre en évidence les liens existant entre indicateurs objectifs de victimisation durant la guerre, représentations du conflit et attitudes pacifistes actuelles. Dans la seconde partie, une attention particulière est portée aux effets des commémorations du centenaire du conflit, sur les attitudes pacifistes des jeunes Belges. Un ensemble d’études menées sur la visite d’expositions et le visionnage de films documentaires, met en évidence les effets paradoxaux de la participation aux activités commémoratives. Ces dernières, considérées comme pourvoyeuses de récits, amènent dans un certain nombre de cas à une diminution du niveau d’attitudes pacifistes des participants. A la fin de ces deux parties, deux constats semblent s’imposer. Ces constats sont ceux de la nécessaire prise en compte du temps long dans l’étude des attitudes et de la valeur ajoutée que constitue pour la psychologie de la mémoire, l’adoption d’une perspective interdisciplinaire où l’histoire joue un rôle de premier plan. / Doctorat en Sciences psychologiques et de l'éducation / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

My thesis draws connections among Herbert Read’s aesthetics, his anarchism, and Carl Jung’s aesthetic theory. I discuss Jung’s concept of individuation and its importance in his theory of the creative process of life. He distinguished between personalistic and archetypal art, and argued that the latter embodies primordial symbols that are inherently meaningful. Archetypal art, he believed, symbolizes unconscious knowledge, which can promote self-awareness and impact on society, if an individual is able to discern its relevance and integrate this into an ethical lifestyle. Jung emphasized the importance of rational discernment and ethical choices along with free creativity. I show how Read used these Jungian concepts to explain aspects of his aesthetic and political emphasis on freedom. According to Read, art creates reality and as such it is both personally transformative and socially activist: he believed that aesthetics are a mechanism of the natural world, and that art is a unique type of cognition that manifests new forms. Art communicates new versions of reality because perception is holistic, allowing people to perceive both the essence inherent in forms and the relationships among them. Further, I consider Read’s belief that cognition and society are both organic, and should be allowed to evolve naturally. Therefore, according to Read, society must be anarchist so that creative freedom and aesthetic consciousness can be adequately supported. Finally, I conclude by highlighting the pivotal role of creative freedom in Jung’s and Read’s theories of personal and social change. I illustrate that Jung and Read concurred that the unique individual is the site of transformation, living out the organically creative nature of life.

My thesis draws connections among Herbert Read’s aesthetics, his anarchism, and Carl Jung’s aesthetic theory. I discuss Jung’s concept of individuation and its importance in his theory of the creative process of life. He distinguished between personalistic and archetypal art, and argued that the latter embodies primordial symbols that are inherently meaningful. Archetypal art, he believed, symbolizes unconscious knowledge, which can promote self-awareness and impact on society, if an individual is able to discern its relevance and integrate this into an ethical lifestyle. Jung emphasized the importance of rational discernment and ethical choices along with free creativity. I show how Read used these Jungian concepts to explain aspects of his aesthetic and political emphasis on freedom. According to Read, art creates reality and as such it is both personally transformative and socially activist: he believed that aesthetics are a mechanism of the natural world, and that art is a unique type of cognition that manifests new forms. Art communicates new versions of reality because perception is holistic, allowing people to perceive both the essence inherent in forms and the relationships among them. Further, I consider Read’s belief that cognition and society are both organic, and should be allowed to evolve naturally. Therefore, according to Read, society must be anarchist so that creative freedom and aesthetic consciousness can be adequately supported. Finally, I conclude by highlighting the pivotal role of creative freedom in Jung’s and Read’s theories of personal and social change. I illustrate that Jung and Read concurred that the unique individual is the site of transformation, living out the organically creative nature of life.

Since then, the modern technology and its achievements has served the nature of trade to begin with, the middle class asks, whose core forms the hand worker movement, as the center of interest for science and politics. A craftsman movement, which is since 1848 rolling along, is today still not ended and the movement still exists and is alive. The hand worker asks, who arose to 1848 to meet, the chronic suffers who became so for decades. The physician, who saw a chronic person, can usually indicate not alone by looking at on welfare. One must look at the developing story for Evil and his life story to know the patient, in order to point to a way to recovery.More over the craftsmen and the craftsmen movement spoken about daily, indicated, in order to find a symptom, which makes itself too faulty in the given instant to be disturbingly most valid, is written to cure and to leave. A detailed connection, an end representation of the craftsmen movement is, however, up to the hour still not finished.In the following still the attempt of such a representation is to be made, for the too the period of 1848/1869.Our sources are particularly purely beside from national commission collections and congresses, are from the Craftsman, who are the other persons, who wanted to take position in the problem of the Craftsman or had daily papers, magazines and books, which are dedicated partly to individual branches of industry, partly the entire Handwork industry of the individual country. In addition to the facts, which follow from flight writings and from one-sided combat literature, come one sided in the pursuit of religion and on politics.An important source in the history of the Handworker Movement must be the legislation. As soon as the craftsmen movement forms, they accepted the seriously public damage the government issuing a new law could bring, an order in such a way could pour Oil onto the waves. The relation between cause and effect between the particulars far the craftsman movement can never clearly completely be, when a factor this important is let out. But not only the finished industrial law, also its developing story and its motives must be regarded, in order that the movement of the German Handwork Movement be completely known.