Zugl.: Berlin, Freie Universiẗat, Diss. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [361]-386) and index.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Riverside, 2009. / Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 270-285). Issued in print and online. Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Wilmington, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves: 88-95)

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This study is a comprehensive attempt to grapple with diasporic Palestinianness in Santiago de Chile. Based on long-term fieldwork from 2013 to 2014 within Palestinian-Chilean networks, organizations, and places it explores how an inherently political Palestinianness is constituted, expressed and explored via memory on the one hand and processes related to space and place on the other. Palestinianness is employed here as a concept that captures all that goes into maintaining a Palestinian presence in Santiago. Rather than a fixed category, Palestinianness is something that works and is worked upon in ways that are inseparable from, in this case, the context of lived life in the Chilean capital. It is a host of experiences and practices that cannot be neatly separated, but that are constantly weaved together in steadily recurrent, but sometimes disruptive and surprising patterns. By interrogating Palestinianness within the distinct context of present-day Santiago, the thesis unsettles and reconfigures conceptualizations of the relationship between memory, space, and politics. It does so by delving into the ambiguities at play in Palestinian-Chilean relationships to the often uncomfortable memory politics of post-dictatorship and the ongoing Palestinian struggle respectively. To shed light on the dynamics at play, transmemory is introduced as a concept that seeks to capture the spatial and spatially mobile qualities of memory. The thesis argues that by engaging with traveling memories of life and conflict in the old land and simultaneously rejecting involvement with continuously troubling memories of the recent Chilean past, Palestinian-Chileans form a collective politics of Palestinianness that is nonetheless distinctly marked by an inescapable Chileanness.

This thesis provides an explanation of why Israel in the years between 1988 and 1994 decided on what might be termed a path to peace with both the Palestinians and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. It argues that, in Israel, peacemaking that entails any form of territorial concession is largely an issue that can be best understood in terms of domestic politics. Accordingly, at the heart of this thesis lies the assumption that the key to explaining Israel's road to peace lies in an appreciation of the dynamics of Israel's domestic politics. Part at least of this story is an understanding of certain key moments in the formation of Israeli thinking about movement towards a peace with the Palestinians. The thesis therefore examines the impact of the Intifada on Israeli thinking as well as detailing crucial turning points in domestic politics, not least Labour's electoral victory in 1992 and the subsequent formation of the most dovish government in Israel's history. The thesis also pays attention to the politics of personality and the role of key figures, such as Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres, in the politics that permitted Israel's move to peace. To facilitate such an understanding, the study employs some analytical concepts from what might be described as the 'middle-range' theories, for example the so-called Bureaucratic Politics Model but its judgements are also fundamentally informed by both interview and primary source material. Hence, overall the thesis looks at the internal dynamics of Israeli peacemaking and demonstrates that, although external factors are certainly, as the last chapter argues an important part of the story, the decision to make peace was also rooted in the dynamic complex domestic politics of Israel.

With the objective of outlining a decision-making process for the selection, evaluation, and application of films for invigorating Palestinian-Israeli dialogue encounters, this project researches, collates, and weaves together the historico-political narratives of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the artistic worldviews of the Israeli and Palestinian national cinemas, and the procedural designs of successful Track II dialogue interventions. Using a tailored version of Lucien Goldmann’s method of homologic textual analysis, three Palestinian and three Israeli popular film texts are analyzed along the dimensions of Historico-Political Contextuality, Socio-Cultural Intertextuality, and Ethno-National Textuality. Then, applying the six “best practices” criteria gleaned from thriving dialogue programs, coupled with the six “cautionary tales” criteria gleaned from flawed dialogue models, three bi-national peacebuilding film texts are homologically analyzed and contrasted with the six popular film texts. This exercise is designed to implement a method for identifying “which, why, how, and when” filmic communication is best paired with dialogic communication to buttress the effects of Israeli-Palestinian Track II peacebuilding mediations. It is proposed that a synergized approach of film plus dialogue will contribute to the re-mediation of ethnonational imaginaries and the re-imagining of the violent parameters of the conflict.

After Israel’s triumphant victory over its Arab neighbors in the 1967 Six-Day War, the State immediately began a policy of territorial seizure in the newly occupied areas. Tracing these seizure practices, their supporting spatial apparatuses and the legalistic manipulations which have enabled de facto annexation to occur, this thesis uncovers not only the involvement of military officials and political figures, but also shows the complex utilization of nature and landscape for geopolitical means. From Jewish-only settlements to closed military areas, nature reserves, unilaterally-seized areas of ‘State Land’ and the cantons of split Israeli-PA jurisdiction, the creeping practices of Israeli annexation in this conflict are occurring without regard for international law or for the purportedly crucial negotiation process. Traditional assessments of the current status quo correctly identify the catastrophic effects of the continued Israeli occupation on the economic, social and environmental systems of the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Yet they fall short of realizing the unique potentialities for Palestinian resistance and subversion inherent within this same state of imbalance. This thesis therefore seeks to elucidate three ways in which the Palestinians can capitalize on unexploited opportunities within the current destabilized conditions of Israeli military occupation in the West Bank. It will argue that the agency of architecture provides a crucial means of political intervention in a protracted dispute where the traditional political figures are unable to affect change via the processes of the peace negotiations. Beyond spatial tactics of resistance, the designs herein propounded have been conceived to thrive in a political environment which is shifting, volatile and indeterminate. Harnessing instability, they suggest new means of social, economic and environmental improvement for the Palestinians while simultaneously addressing their desires to establish an independent state. Cumulatively, these design proposals argue against the futile despair felt by many Palestinians that self-determination will only come by means of the perpetually stalled negotiations process. Instead, they outline new avenues for redirecting the trajectory of this conflict on the ground, through the strategic choreographing of Palestinian actions within, and taking advantage of, the very landscape in which they inhabit.

Thesis (M.A.)--Jāmi'at Bayrūt al-'Arabiyah, 1977. / Added t.p.: The class structure of Palestinians in Lebanon. Summary in English. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Bibliography: p. 349-358.

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