This thesis is an ethnography of Palestinian political factions in Lebanon through an immersion in the daily life of homes. It explores the nature of factions and faction membership from the vantage point of those who form their very basis. It asks how did Palestinian political factions, which are clearly made of people, come to be seen as autonomous bodies that are studied as a whole and spoken of in the singular (‘Fatah did this’ and ‘Hamas declared that’). Through a detailed account of the everyday practices of Palestinian refugees I problematise the underlying conceptualization of factions in the academic literature as bounded structures defined by their respective ideologies. I explore how factions appear in the daily life of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon; how Palestinians join factions; how their relationship evolves over time; how they demand, and at times obtain, aid; how and whether they participate in events organized by factions; and how factionalism affects their understandings of what factions are. This ethnographic approach reveals that what binds Palestinian refugees to factions is not the ideology or regional or international alliances of the factions. For example, young Palestinians do not join a faction based on whether it is Islamic, Marxist, or nationalist; rather they do so based on where they have friends or family, and sometimes depending on which faction has the closest youth centre to their home. In fact, it is those personal relationships, including those developed with other faction members that keep Palestinians affiliated to factions. Factions appear as a loose network of people held together by different degrees of trust and cohesion. Yet my work does not dismiss the fact that factions also appear as structures, as coherent entities. On the contrary, in the second part of this thesis, I trace another set of practices, that of aid distribution, criticism, physical representation, and factionalism, to show how factions metamorphose from loose networks based on interpersonal relations into impersonal structures defined by ideology. An examination of the everyday practices and representations of Palestinian political factions reveals how those structures come into being, how that operation creates and maintains a certain configuration of power in Palestinian society, and how factions remain the center of political life in the face of widespread condemnation.

Introduction: It’s estimated to be 4 573 185 Palestinians living as refugees 2014, since the start of the Israel-Palestine conflict in 1948. The third generation of Palestinians live without recognized citizenship and lack essential fundaments to achieve good health. Refugee women are more at risk for health hazards, especially women in fertile age. The aim is to identify effects on the health among Palestinian women in fertile age, in occupied Palestinian Territories and Lebanon. Methods: An integrative literature review with ten selected original articles, which have been analyzed and compiled together. Result: Stress is associated with political instability and affect Palestinian women, especially during pregnancies. Access public health care is a problem and affected women at birth, family planning and a cause of death. Participation in religious organization is a protective copingstrategy when faced with chronic political violence, also solidarity is strengthen. Living conditions in refugeecamps is associated with prevalence of obesity, anemia and domestic violence. Discussion: The military occupation prevent women to access health care. Women have an indirect roll in Israel-Palestine conflict to raise the population number. Individuals who experience chronic violence develop coping-strategies of solidary trait for survival. Living conditions in refugee camps is a risk factor for over-weight, obesity and anemia among Palestinian women. Conclusion: Negative effects among fertil women as stress, PTSD, physical illness, obesity and anemia is associated with living conditions in refugee camps. Development of external and solidary copingstrategy have protective effects on long term political violence. / Introduktion: Det uppskattas att 4 573 185 palestinier år 2014, leva som flyktingar, sedan Israel-Palestina konflikten påbörjades år 1948. Tredje generationen palestinier lever utan erkänt medborgarskap och saknar essentiella fundament, för att uppnå god hälsa. Flyktingkvinnor är mer utsatta för hälso-riskfaktorer, speciellt kvinnor i fertil ålder. Syftet är att identifiera effekter på hälsan hos palestinska flyktingkvinnor i fertil ålder, i ockuperade Palestinska Territoriet och Libanon. Metod: En litteraturöversikt med tio utvalda original artiklar har analyserats och sammanställts för att besvara syftet. Resultat: Stress är associerat med politisk instabilitet och drabbar palestinska kvinnor, speciellt under graviditeter. Åtkomst på hälso-sjukvård är ett problem och drabbar kvinnor vid förlossningar, familjeplanering och utgör dödsorsak. Engagemang i religiös verksamhet är en skyddande copingstrategi vid kroniskt politiskt våld, även solidaritet stärks. Levnadsförhållanden i flyktingläger kopplas till prevalens av fetma, anemi och våld i hemmet. Diskussion: Militär ockupationen förhindrar palestinska kvinnors att nå sjukvård. Kvinnor har en indirekt roll i Israel-Palestina konflikten med att bidra till befolknings tillväxt. Individer som erfar kroniskt våld utvecklar copingstrategier av solidariskt slag för överlevnad. Levnadsförhållanden i flyktingläger är en riskfaktor för fetma, övervikt, och anemi bland palestinska kvinnor. Slutsats: Negativa effekter bland fertila kvinnor som stress, PTSD, fysiska sjukdomar, fetma och anemia är associerat med levnadsförhållanden i flyktingläger. Utvecklande av yttre och solidarisk copingstrategi har skyddande effekt vid långvarigt politiskt våld.

Thesis (M.A.)--Baylor University, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 177-198).

Abstract The process of the Israeli-Palestinian negotiation was influenced by the Al Aqsa Intifada. After the "9-11", the American Bush Administration has changed the initial non-involvement policy and proposed the "Roadmap for peace¡¨ with the Quartet to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Therefore, this research is based on realism to analyze whether American ¡§Roadmap for peace¡¨ policy does facilitate the peace between Israeli and Palestine or not, and explore how the United States formulates its Israeli-Palestine policy and strategies. Although United States utilizes its superior status and resources to implement the ¡§Roadmap for peace¡¨ , be it the political reform, the security reform, and the economic and humanitarian assistance. The "Roadmap for peace¡¨ is currently worked in the first stage. The reason why is that Israeli and Palestine have different positions on the right of Palestinian refugees back to home, the Jerusalem status, the Jews settlement and border. Besides, both sides inact to fulfill the responsibilities, and still strike each other violently. There are also resistances from within. However, Abbas, who represents the moderate line, has become the new Palestinian President. Israeli Premier Minister Sharon has made compromise in significant issues recently. So long as United States has influence on Israeli and Palestine, and grasps the opportunity to promote ¡§Roadmap for peace¡¨, United States may put into effect the vision, namely peace between Israeli and Palestine.

This thesis analyzes the emergence and development process of Palestinian nationalism. The role of the notable families within the development of Palestinian nationalism that led Palestinian Arab society during the British Mandate will be discussed in detail. The thesis is going to examine whether Palestinian nationalism is a genuine ideology or it is developed as a counter nationalism against both Jewish immigration and settlements activities and British Mandate. It will also be analyzed Mandate policies which were applied in order to provide balance between both of the nations.

Thesis (M. Ed.) -- University of Alberta, 2010. / "A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Education in Theoretical, Cultural and International Studies, Department of Educational Policy Studies, University of Alberta." Title from pdf file main screen (viewed on January 14, 2010). Includes bibliographical references.

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Thesis (doctoral)--Universität Bochum, 1996.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, Dec. 2004. / Thesis Advisor(s): Barak A. Salmoni. Includes bibliographical references (p. 63-66). Also available online.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Southern Illinois University Carbondale, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 140-144). Also available on the Internet.