The Palestinian Authority (PA) offers an interesting case study of statebuilding in a conflict-country context. Created as an interim administration in the West Bank and Gaza in 1994, the PA has been hampered by the statebuilding framework enshrined in the Oslo Accords, its lack of sovereignty, the lack of final status negotiations, and the 'partners for peace' paradigm which is an attempt by donors and international organisations to support who they regard as the 'right' type of elite - that is, those willing to 'make peace' with Israel (as defined by Israel). This article explores the impacts of this paradigm and argues that it has paralysed the formal political process in Palestine and has securitised democracy.

A partir da leitura do romance Homens ao Sol (1963), de Ghassan Kanafani (1936- 1972), esta dissertação visa ampliar a compreensão histórica do exílio palestino. A pesquisa exigiu um diálogo entre esse texto literário e a produção historiográfica sobre o seu contexto, investigando uma condição que, desde 1948, está presente na vida da população árabe palestina. Este trabalho, por isso, foi estruturado a partir de questões levantadas ao longo do enredo do romance, proporcionando reflexão para a construção de uma História da Palestina. Diante das memórias dos protagonistas exilados e da imposta necessidade de possuir uma identidade, o texto ficcional revela-se como uma análise crítica da história e, ao mesmo tempo, como um projeto transformador da realidade, provocando ideias para uma resistência nacional na Palestina. / From the reading of the novel Men in the Sun (1963), written by Ghassan Kanafani (1936-1972), this dissertation aims to expand the historical understanding of the Palestinian exile. The research has demanded a dialogue between this literary text and the historiographical production on its context to investigate a condition that is present in the lives of the Palestinian Arab population since 1948. Therefore, this work was structured from issues raised throughout the novel\'s plot and thereby it has provided reflection about the construction of a History of Palestine. The fictional text reveals itself as a critical analysis of history and at the same time, as a transformer project of reality from the memories of the exiled protagonists and the imposed need to have an identity, thus it provokes ideas for a national resistance in Palestine.

A partir da leitura do romance Homens ao Sol (1963), de Ghassan Kanafani (1936- 1972), esta dissertação visa ampliar a compreensão histórica do exílio palestino. A pesquisa exigiu um diálogo entre esse texto literário e a produção historiográfica sobre o seu contexto, investigando uma condição que, desde 1948, está presente na vida da população árabe palestina. Este trabalho, por isso, foi estruturado a partir de questões levantadas ao longo do enredo do romance, proporcionando reflexão para a construção de uma História da Palestina. Diante das memórias dos protagonistas exilados e da imposta necessidade de possuir uma identidade, o texto ficcional revela-se como uma análise crítica da história e, ao mesmo tempo, como um projeto transformador da realidade, provocando ideias para uma resistência nacional na Palestina. / From the reading of the novel Men in the Sun (1963), written by Ghassan Kanafani (1936-1972), this dissertation aims to expand the historical understanding of the Palestinian exile. The research has demanded a dialogue between this literary text and the historiographical production on its context to investigate a condition that is present in the lives of the Palestinian Arab population since 1948. Therefore, this work was structured from issues raised throughout the novel\'s plot and thereby it has provided reflection about the construction of a History of Palestine. The fictional text reveals itself as a critical analysis of history and at the same time, as a transformer project of reality from the memories of the exiled protagonists and the imposed need to have an identity, thus it provokes ideas for a national resistance in Palestine.

The study of intractable conflicts has risen in recent years particularly with the work of Daniel Bar-Tal’s work on the ethos of conflict. The ethos of conflict is an original psychological concept that captures the collective societal mindset of cultures locked in intractable conflicts and examines the various factors that keep groups in conflict or help them towards peace. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is arguably the most researched, publicized, and discussed intractable conflict in history. The purpose of this paper is to first examine the foundation of that intractable conflict through the lens of Bar-Tal’s theory and apply it once more how it has changed in the modern day. Particularly, this paper focuses on how the change in power structure in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has prioritized the different elements of the ethos of conflict differently for both sides. In the beginning of the conflict, both groups held equitable power that caused them to have similar manifestations of the ethos of conflict. Working with the foundation of Bar-Tal’s theory, this paper provides an analysis of how Israel’s rise to power in the conflict influences different prioritizations of the ethos of conflict for both parties.

This thesis seeks to increase recognition of contemporary Palestinian women’s cinema and locates it firmly within the Palestinian film industry. I argue that Palestinian women’s cinema has created and developed a nuanced cinema whilst sustaining and enhancing the Palestinian film industry. The twenty-first century has undeniably witnessed the vigorous development of a Palestinian women’s cinema and the number of Palestinian women filmmakers and films is still on the rise. Scholars have often focused on increasing worldwide recognition of mainstream Palestinian films directed and produced by well-known Palestinian filmmakers. This has resulted in the marginalisation of Palestinian women’s cinema within an already marginalised Palestinian film industry. I locate Palestinian cinema, in the introduction, as a transnational cinema and I also explain my rationale for placing women’s film under the category of “women’s cinema”. In order to offer a comprehensive analysis and to understand and examine the corpus of films in this thesis, I firstly provide an overview of the historical and contemporary background of Palestinian popular arts and cinema, highlighting Palestinian women’s participation. In chapter 2, I discuss women’s roles in Palestinian politics in order to trace women’s positions and roles in political public life because it is difficult to separate activism from social life and thus from cinema, as these three intersect and mutually influence one another. In chapter 3, 4 and 5 I argue, through detailed discussion and analysis of this body of work that, unlike Palestinian cinema at large, Palestinian women filmmakers embody, interweave and reflect on the complex and often contradictory contemporary and historical issues taking into account ideologies and socio-cultural differences in a complex geopolitical space (e.g. sexual restrictions, power and authority, femininity and masculinity, restriction on movement and hyphenated identities). I also argue that these women filmmakers are interested in developing responses to what they see as heterogeneous and hyphenated Palestinian identities while adapting traditional and modern filmic styles. Here I have studied their works thematically as this provided greater insight into the social and historical contexts of contemporary Palestinian lives. I argue that films by Palestinian filmmakers living inside Palestine focus and revolve around socio-culturally sensitive and underrepresented issues of love and sexuality (chapter 3), violence and power (chapter 4). I also argue that hyphenated Palestinian filmmakers, in this case, Palestinian American filmmakers, explore through their work themes of displacement and the imagined homeland by reflecting on historical events and also through examining the different ‘journeys’ of their hyphenated characters, both internal and geographical. I study the films in this thesis within contemporary discourses on culture, cultural capital, discourses of power, identity, migration and diaspora, exile, feminist debates, gender politics, postcoloniality and borderlands.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:29:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2006-06Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:07:18Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 silva_apm_me_mar.pdf: 1002714 bytes, checksum: 30b20f4c9ac2422cdf0ecbd31456274e (MD5) / O discurso norte-americano (governo Bush) a respeito da reforma democrática nos territórios palestinos autônomos - Faixa de Gaza e Cisjordânia - identifica a ausência da democracia como uma das causas centrais no impedimento à paz entre palestinos e israelenses. Nesta perspectiva, os Estados Unidos colocam como condição primária ao seu auxílio na constituição do Estado Palestino, a realização de reformas democráticas. Esta pesquisa problematiza os fundamentos deste discurso a partir de uma análise das origens do conflito palestino-israelense e de suas principais implicações para a comunidade palestina. A partir daí, fazemos um contraste entre os diagnósticos acerca do conflito apresentados pelos Estado Unidos e as reais condições sócio-econômicas e políticas dos territórios palestinos, evidenciando os principais impedimentos à constituição do Estado Palestino e ao equacionamento do conflito. / The north-american discourse (Bush government) related to democratic reform in the Palestinian Territories - Gaza Strip and West Bank - identifies the lack of democracy as one of the main causes that obstructs peace between Palestinians and Israelis. In this way, United States, establish as the basic condition in their support in the construction of the Palestinian State, the implementation of democratic reforms. This research analyses the foundations of this discourse by an analysis of the roots of the israeli-palestinian conflict and their main implications to Palestinian community. From that, we do a contrast between the north-american diagnostic about the conflict and the real social-economic and politics conditions of the Palestinian Territories, emphasizing the principal obstacles to the construction of the Palestinian State and to the conflict resolution.

Orientador: Tullo Vigevani / Banca: Nizar Mesari / Banca: Mamede Mustafa Jarouche / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas". / Resumo: O discurso norte-americano (governo Bush) a respeito da reforma democrática nos territórios palestinos autônomos - Faixa de Gaza e Cisjordânia - identifica a ausência da democracia como uma das causas centrais no impedimento à paz entre palestinos e israelenses. Nesta perspectiva, os Estados Unidos colocam como condição primária ao seu auxílio na constituição do Estado Palestino, a realização de reformas democráticas. Esta pesquisa problematiza os fundamentos deste discurso a partir de uma análise das origens do conflito palestino-israelense e de suas principais implicações para a comunidade palestina. A partir daí, fazemos um contraste entre os "diagnósticos" acerca do conflito apresentados pelos Estado Unidos e as reais condições sócio-econômicas e políticas dos territórios palestinos, evidenciando os principais impedimentos à constituição do Estado Palestino e ao equacionamento do conflito. / Abstract: The north-american discourse (Bush government) related to democratic reform in the Palestinian Territories - Gaza Strip and West Bank - identifies the lack of democracy as one of the main causes that obstructs peace between Palestinians and Israelis. In this way, United States, establish as the basic condition in their support in the construction of the Palestinian State, the implementation of democratic reforms. This research analyses the foundations of this discourse by an analysis of the roots of the israeli-palestinian conflict and their main implications to Palestinian community. From that, we do a contrast between the north-american diagnostic about the conflict and the real social-economic and politics conditions of the Palestinian Territories, emphasizing the principal obstacles to the construction of the Palestinian State and to the conflict resolution. / Mestre

This thesis examines political mobilisation into secular groups within Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon. It focuses on context and identity in order to find out why and how Palestinians in the camps mobilise into these groups. The thesis uses a framework that incorporates three levels of analysis: structural; organisational; and individual. An ethnographic methodology is deployed involving interviews and participant observation in refugee camps in Lebanon. The thesis starts by looking at what sort of theoretical framework is necessary in order to understand the three key levels of analysis, including literature focusing on opportunities and constraints; human needs; resources; recruitment; social construction; and identity. The next focus is on context, looking at both the legal issues surrounding refugees - international, regional and local - as well as the historical context. The last three chapters examine the three levels of analysis individually, using them in conjunction with ethnographic research data to find out why and how Palestinians in the camps mobilise. The conclusion shows that, contrary to what one would imagine from most of the mobilisation literature, the Palestinians in the camps are not mobilising as would be expected. Instead the ethnographic research results found that the political groups within the camps are not as politically and militarily active as would be presumed. Mobilisation into these political groups is happening for different reasons than in previous findings – focusing instead on solidarity and social issues. This change has happened for contextual and financial reasons, including the end of the Civil War and the Palestinian Revolution in Lebanon, as well as a severe lack of resources available to the political groups. The research results found that although there is still mobilisation into the political groups, there was also disillusionment among many youths at the political groups' inability to facilitate their return to Palestine from Lebanon, as well as dismay at what they saw as disunity between the Palestinian political groups.

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No description available.