Do the Palestinians deserve a state? To answer this question, one must first provide an account of collective self-determination (CSD) and when a group is entitled to it. This starts with looking at the origins of CSD, both to see if it truly is a right and, if so, what its nature is. I will argue that there is such a thing as a right to CSD, but due to its nature, it is not a universal right of all groups. Whether a group has a right to CSD depends on the conditions in which the group lives, and in this paper, I will tease out what these conditions are. The result of such an analysis will be a set of criteria by which one can judge whether or not a group is entitled to CSD, given the conditions in which the group lives. With this criteria, I will look at the Palestinian case in particular and determine whether or not the Palestinians have a right to CSD. If so, they have a right to an independent state, since any group that exercises true CSD can determine whether or not they choose to live in such a state.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:29:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2006-06Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:07:18Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 silva_apm_me_mar.pdf: 1002714 bytes, checksum: 30b20f4c9ac2422cdf0ecbd31456274e (MD5) / O discurso norte-americano (governo Bush) a respeito da reforma democrática nos territórios palestinos autônomos - Faixa de Gaza e Cisjordânia - identifica a ausência da democracia como uma das causas centrais no impedimento à paz entre palestinos e israelenses. Nesta perspectiva, os Estados Unidos colocam como condição primária ao seu auxílio na constituição do Estado Palestino, a realização de reformas democráticas. Esta pesquisa problematiza os fundamentos deste discurso a partir de uma análise das origens do conflito palestino-israelense e de suas principais implicações para a comunidade palestina. A partir daí, fazemos um contraste entre os diagnósticos acerca do conflito apresentados pelos Estado Unidos e as reais condições sócio-econômicas e políticas dos territórios palestinos, evidenciando os principais impedimentos à constituição do Estado Palestino e ao equacionamento do conflito. / The north-american discourse (Bush government) related to democratic reform in the Palestinian Territories - Gaza Strip and West Bank - identifies the lack of democracy as one of the main causes that obstructs peace between Palestinians and Israelis. In this way, United States, establish as the basic condition in their support in the construction of the Palestinian State, the implementation of democratic reforms. This research analyses the foundations of this discourse by an analysis of the roots of the israeli-palestinian conflict and their main implications to Palestinian community. From that, we do a contrast between the north-american diagnostic about the conflict and the real social-economic and politics conditions of the Palestinian Territories, emphasizing the principal obstacles to the construction of the Palestinian State and to the conflict resolution.

Orientador: Tullo Vigevani / Banca: Nizar Mesari / Banca: Mamede Mustafa Jarouche / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas". / Resumo: O discurso norte-americano (governo Bush) a respeito da reforma democrática nos territórios palestinos autônomos - Faixa de Gaza e Cisjordânia - identifica a ausência da democracia como uma das causas centrais no impedimento à paz entre palestinos e israelenses. Nesta perspectiva, os Estados Unidos colocam como condição primária ao seu auxílio na constituição do Estado Palestino, a realização de reformas democráticas. Esta pesquisa problematiza os fundamentos deste discurso a partir de uma análise das origens do conflito palestino-israelense e de suas principais implicações para a comunidade palestina. A partir daí, fazemos um contraste entre os "diagnósticos" acerca do conflito apresentados pelos Estado Unidos e as reais condições sócio-econômicas e políticas dos territórios palestinos, evidenciando os principais impedimentos à constituição do Estado Palestino e ao equacionamento do conflito. / Abstract: The north-american discourse (Bush government) related to democratic reform in the Palestinian Territories - Gaza Strip and West Bank - identifies the lack of democracy as one of the main causes that obstructs peace between Palestinians and Israelis. In this way, United States, establish as the basic condition in their support in the construction of the Palestinian State, the implementation of democratic reforms. This research analyses the foundations of this discourse by an analysis of the roots of the israeli-palestinian conflict and their main implications to Palestinian community. From that, we do a contrast between the north-american diagnostic about the conflict and the real social-economic and politics conditions of the Palestinian Territories, emphasizing the principal obstacles to the construction of the Palestinian State and to the conflict resolution. / Mestre

This thesis seeks to answer the following question: How and to what extent does identity and Self-Other perception influence the foreign policy of the EU and Russia toward the establishment of a sovereign and viable Palestinian State? The thesis scrutinises the assumption that identity and Self-perception as well as perception of ‘otherness’ play a vital role in defining foreign policy-making, with policy toward the Middle East being no exception. The investigation focuses on how the EU’s and Russia’s desire to reinforce their ‘global actorness’ on the international stage informs their involvement in the Middle East peace process. This assumption brings into the analysis the dynamic of constructivism in the shaping of foreign policy. Through a constructivist approach, the thesis attempts to explore how Self-Other perception informs foreign policy-making, specifically by the EU and Russia, in relation to Palestinian statehood. Thus the thesis problematises existing views about the role of established IR schools in understanding foreign policy-making (namely, in terms of peace-making). The study seeks to deepen our understanding of the role of identity and Self-Other perception in EU and Russian foreign policy-making by going beyond conventional understanding of foreign policy-making that are fixated on ‘power’, with special reference to the question of Palestinian statehood. In this vein, I advance the argument that, contrary to the old assumptions of schools such as realism and liberalism, there is a role played by identity and ideas that needs to be assessed in the context of EU and Russian peace-making in the Middle East. The thesis tests these assumptions using a qualitative methodology to investigate the making of foreign policy by the EU and Russia. Discourse analysis is the main method employed to interpret the role of identity and Self-Other perceptions. This is done through a study of discourse made up of official documents and statements as well as interviews with diplomats with current and past involvement in the formulation of EU and Russian foreign policy.

La question palestinienne est depuis un siècle sans solution. Les Palestiniens qui, tout comme les peuples arabes de la région, espéraient obtenir leur indépendance à l'issue de la 1ère Guerre mondiale se sont vus placés sous Mandat britannique octroyé par la Société des Nations. Depuis la Palestine est la terre d'un affrontement de deux nationalismes ; arabe palestinien d'un côté et juif sioniste de l'autre. L'intervention de l'ONU en vue de résoudre la question par le partage de la Palestine (un Etat arabe et un Etat juif) n'a pas apporté la solution. Au contraire, cela a aggravé la situation. Plusieurs guerres ont éclaté créant des situations humaines terribles notamment en ce qui concerne les réfugiés palestiniens et l'occupation des territoires palestiniens en 1967. De plus, le conflit israélo-arabe a pris un caractère durable. Depuis 1967 le Droit International dans son organisation actuelle se trouve tantôt inappliqué tantôt bloqué. En effet, Bien que les droits nationaux du peuple palestinien à l'autodétermination et à l'indépendance étatique aient été reconnus et à mainte reprise rappelés fussent l'occupation israélienne perdure. L'échec du Droit International dans le règlement de la question a laissé place à des négociations politiques, entre Israël et les Palestiniens représentés par l'OLP, et qui se sont soldées par la mise en place d'un régime transitoire vers la formation d'un Etat palestinien souverain. La dynamique d'Oslo a consolidé le droit du peuple palestinien à l'autodétermination, notamment par la territorialisation de la direction palestinienne dans les Territoires Occupés et l'instauration des structures institutionnelles autonomes, pouvant servir de base à la construction étatique. Toutefois, forcé de constater une inertie dans les négociations, qui durent depuis dix-huit ans, et un non respect du calendrier établi par les Accords. Aussi, plusieurs éléments mettent en doute la possibilité d'un Etat souverain et indépendant sur les frontières de 1967 : le durcissement de la position israélienne sur la question territoriale ; la volonté manifeste d'Israël de conserver le contrôle sur une partie de la Cisjordanie ; le refus d'évacuer les territoires selon le calendrier ; la multiplication des faits accomplis ; la poursuite de la colonisation et la construction du mur de séparation dans les Territoires Occupés. / For a century, the Palestinian issue has been unresolved. Following the First World War, Palestinians, like other Arab people in the region, hoped to gain their independence but were placed under British mandate granted by the League of Nations. Since then, Palestine has been a place where two nationalisms have clashed: Palestinian Arab nationalism on the one side and Jewish Zionism on the other. The UN intervention to resolve the issue by a partition of Palestine (one Arab state and one Jewish state) failed to provide a solution. On the contrary, it aggravated the situation. Several wars erupted which generated terrible human situations, regarding in particular the Palestinians refugees or the occupation of the Palestinian territories in 1967. Furthermore, the Arab-Israeli conflict became a long standing one. Since 1967, International Law, in its current form, is sometimes unimplemented sometimes blocked. Despite the rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination and independent statehood having been recognized and repeatedly reaffirmed, the Israeli occupation endures. International law's failure in resolving the issue has given way to political negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians represented by the PLO. Such negotiations led to the establishment of a transitory system towards the creation of a sovereign Palestinian state. The dynamics of Oslo has strengthened the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, including by the territorialisation of the Palestinian authority in the occupied territories and the establishment of autonomous institutional structures which can form the basis for state building. However, forced to conclude to a lack of progress in the negotiations, under way for the past eighteen years, as well as to a failure to comply with the timetable established by the Agreements. Therefore, several factors cast doubt on the possibility of a sovereign and independent state to be established on the 1967 borders: the hardening of the Israeli stand on the territorial issue, Israel's clear desire to retain control over part of the West Bank; its refusal to evacuate the territories according to schedule; its policy of fait accompli, its continuation of settlement activities and the construction of the separation wall within the Occupied Territories.

This thesis deals with a number of selected peace plans for Israeli-Palestinian conflict and their solutions for the most crucial problems of this area. These problems are: Palestinian refugees, Israeli West Bank settlements, Lack of water resources, Jerusalem and Gaza strip. The first chapter summarizes the history of the development of this area before the formation of the state of Israel until today and also presents the current political situation of Israel. Next chapter continues with the research of these problems, which are almost always present and dealt with by new peace plans. The following chapter introduces selected peace plans and analyzes their encompassed solutions for the selected problems. The thesis ends with a chapter, in which the author attempts to suggest a suitable future scenario for the State of Palestine, which would be acceptable for both sides.

Pourquoi créer un État palestinien ? Avant tout parce qu’il s’agit de l’unique solution qui détient un fondement juridique, à travers la résolution 181 des Nations-Unies votée en 1947. Cette résolution préconisait la création de l’État israélien et celle de l’État palestinien comme deux facettes d’une unique solution. La création d’un État palestinien n’est pas seulement légale au regard du droit, elle permettrait également le partage des responsabilités revenant à chacun des acteurs du conflit. Une telle création est-elle possible en l’état actuel de la situation au Moyen-Orient ? Telle est la problématique de notre étude, qui comprend deux volets, l’un théorique, l’autre pratique. L’objectif est de revoir les règles du droit international relatives aux critères de formation d’un État palestinien, d’examiner si ces règles sont respectées et de déterminer quels sont les obstacles qui compliquent l’application d’une telle création. La première partie qui consiste à s’interroger sur la formation d’un État palestinien nous mène à examiner quatre éléments : la population permanente, le territoire déterminé, le gouvernement effectif et la capacité à entrer en relation avec les autres États. L’étude de ces éléments montre que la Palestine est un embryon d’État. Même si le concept d’un État palestinien peut être envisagé en droit, qu’en est-il de sa viabilité ? La deuxième partie de notre étude porte sur les obstacles juridiques à la création d’un État palestinien. Quatre éléments qui sont l’occupation, l’édification d’un mur entre Israël et les territoires palestiniens, les colonies de peuplement israéliennes en territoire palestinien occupé incluant la question de Jérusalem et enfin le droit au retour des réfugiés sont étudiés. Il ressort de cette recherche qu’un État palestinien pourrait être créé en droit mais sa viabilité reste conditionnée au bon vouloir d’Israël sur les questions évoquées ci-dessus. Aujourd’hui, les dimensions du conflit rendent particulièrement complexe une entente entre les deux parties. Le cadre juridique international représenté par l’ONU ne peut s’appliquer au conflit israélo-palestinien que s’il bénéficie de l’appui diplomatique clair et sincère de l’ensemble des acteurs internationaux. / Why creating a Palestinian State? Because it is the unique solution which has a legal background according to the 181 resolution of the United Nations Organization voted in 1947. This resolution recommended the creation of the State of Israel and the Palestinian one as two sides of an unique solution. The creation of a Palestinian State is not only legal, it would also allow the share of responsibilities between the protagonists of the conflict. Is this creation possible considering the current situation in the Middle-East? This is the problematic of the study which consists of two parts, the first one being theoretical and the second one looking at practical issues. The purpose is to review the rules of international law related to the criteria required for the creation of a Palestinian State and to examine if these rules are respected in order to determine which are the obstacles that make this creation difficult to achieve. The first part is analyzing if the four key requirements for the creation of a Palestinian State i.e. the population, the territory, the real government and the international legal capacity are met. The survey of these items shows that Palestine is an embryonic State. Even if the concept of a Palestinian State could be legally considered, could it be viable? The second part of the study deals with the legal obstacles of the creation of a Palestinian State. We are then reviewing four major issues which are the occupation, the building of a wall separating Israel and the Palestinian territories, the Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories, including the specific situation of Jerusalem and finally the right of return of the Palestinian refugees. This study shows that a Palestinian State could be legally created but its viability would be conditioned to the willingness of Israel regarding the questions mentioned above. The various dimensions of the conflict make today an agreement between the two protagonists very difficult to achieve. The international legal scope represented by the United Nations Organization can apply to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict only if it gets a clear and strong support of all the countries.

Pourquoi créer un État palestinien ? Avant tout parce qu’il s’agit de l’unique solution qui détient un fondement juridique, à travers la résolution 181 des Nations-Unies votée en 1947. Cette résolution préconisait la création de l’État israélien et celle de l’État palestinien comme deux facettes d’une unique solution. La création d’un État palestinien n’est pas seulement légale au regard du droit, elle permettrait également le partage des responsabilités revenant à chacun des acteurs du conflit. Une telle création est-elle possible en l’état actuel de la situation au Moyen-Orient ? Telle est la problématique de notre étude, qui comprend deux volets, l’un théorique, l’autre pratique. L’objectif est de revoir les règles du droit international relatives aux critères de formation d’un État palestinien, d’examiner si ces règles sont respectées et de déterminer quels sont les obstacles qui compliquent l’application d’une telle création. La première partie qui consiste à s’interroger sur la formation d’un État palestinien nous mène à examiner quatre éléments : la population permanente, le territoire déterminé, le gouvernement effectif et la capacité à entrer en relation avec les autres États. L’étude de ces éléments montre que la Palestine est un embryon d’État. Même si le concept d’un État palestinien peut être envisagé en droit, qu’en est-il de sa viabilité ? La deuxième partie de notre étude porte sur les obstacles juridiques à la création d’un État palestinien. Quatre éléments qui sont l’occupation, l’édification d’un mur entre Israël et les territoires palestiniens, les colonies de peuplement israéliennes en territoire palestinien occupé incluant la question de Jérusalem et enfin le droit au retour des réfugiés sont étudiés. Il ressort de cette recherche qu’un État palestinien pourrait être créé en droit mais sa viabilité reste conditionnée au bon vouloir d’Israël sur les questions évoquées ci-dessus. Aujourd’hui, les dimensions du conflit rendent particulièrement complexe une entente entre les deux parties. Le cadre juridique international représenté par l’ONU ne peut s’appliquer au conflit israélo-palestinien que s’il bénéficie de l’appui diplomatique clair et sincère de l’ensemble des acteurs internationaux. / Why creating a Palestinian State? Because it is the unique solution which has a legal background according to the 181 resolution of the United Nations Organization voted in 1947. This resolution recommended the creation of the State of Israel and the Palestinian one as two sides of an unique solution. The creation of a Palestinian State is not only legal, it would also allow the share of responsibilities between the protagonists of the conflict. Is this creation possible considering the current situation in the Middle-East? This is the problematic of the study which consists of two parts, the first one being theoretical and the second one looking at practical issues. The purpose is to review the rules of international law related to the criteria required for the creation of a Palestinian State and to examine if these rules are respected in order to determine which are the obstacles that make this creation difficult to achieve. The first part is analyzing if the four key requirements for the creation of a Palestinian State i.e. the population, the territory, the real government and the international legal capacity are met. The survey of these items shows that Palestine is an embryonic State. Even if the concept of a Palestinian State could be legally considered, could it be viable? The second part of the study deals with the legal obstacles of the creation of a Palestinian State. We are then reviewing four major issues which are the occupation, the building of a wall separating Israel and the Palestinian territories, the Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories, including the specific situation of Jerusalem and finally the right of return of the Palestinian refugees. This study shows that a Palestinian State could be legally created but its viability would be conditioned to the willingness of Israel regarding the questions mentioned above. The various dimensions of the conflict make today an agreement between the two protagonists very difficult to achieve. The international legal scope represented by the United Nations Organization can apply to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict only if it gets a clear and strong support of all the countries.