Global ETD Search

1	Palestinian political factions : an everyday perspective Issa, Perla January 2014 (has links) This thesis is an ethnography of Palestinian political factions in Lebanon through an immersion in the daily life of homes. It explores the nature of factions and faction membership from the vantage point of those who form their very basis. It asks how did Palestinian political factions, which are clearly made of people, come to be seen as autonomous bodies that are studied as a whole and spoken of in the singular (‘Fatah did this’ and ‘Hamas declared that’). Through a detailed account of the everyday practices of Palestinian refugees I problematise the underlying conceptualization of factions in the academic literature as bounded structures defined by their respective ideologies. I explore how factions appear in the daily life of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon; how Palestinians join factions; how their relationship evolves over time; how they demand, and at times obtain, aid; how and whether they participate in events organized by factions; and how factionalism affects their understandings of what factions are. This ethnographic approach reveals that what binds Palestinian refugees to factions is not the ideology or regional or international alliances of the factions. For example, young Palestinians do not join a faction based on whether it is Islamic, Marxist, or nationalist; rather they do so based on where they have friends or family, and sometimes depending on which faction has the closest youth centre to their home. In fact, it is those personal relationships, including those developed with other faction members that keep Palestinians affiliated to factions. Factions appear as a loose network of people held together by different degrees of trust and cohesion. Yet my work does not dismiss the fact that factions also appear as structures, as coherent entities. On the contrary, in the second part of this thesis, I trace another set of practices, that of aid distribution, criticism, physical representation, and factionalism, to show how factions metamorphose from loose networks based on interpersonal relations into impersonal structures defined by ideology. An examination of the everyday practices and representations of Palestinian political factions reveals how those structures come into being, how that operation creates and maintains a certain configuration of power in Palestinian society, and how factions remain the center of political life in the face of widespread condemnation. 320.95694
2	Education for Peace or Conflict? : A Case Study of Palestinian Refugee Communities in Lebanon Kölegård, Caroline January 2019 (has links) This thesis studies the effect of education on youth within vulnerable settings to resist joining armed groups. Two alternate causal mechanisms are derived from existing research. The first explanation hypothesizes that higher education increases the resistance among youth to join armed groups, since it reduces grievances by promoting social cohesion and equality. The second explanation posits that higher education increases the risk of youth to join armed groups, since raised awareness of injustices and discrimination fosters grievances. To test these hypotheses and further explore the causal relationship, the thesis is designed as a qualitative case study. Palestinian youth living in refugee communities in Lebanon who attend schools are compared to those who do not attend school. A field study to Lebanon was conducted in late spring of 2018 to interview representatives of organizations working with Palestinian youth. Eight in-depth interviews serve as material, which are analyzed using the method of structured, focused comparison. Considering the empirical evidence within the limitations of the study, I evaluate the explanatory power of the two causal mechanisms and provide an account of additional factors that may inform the foundation for future research. education resilience mobilization armed groups Palestinian refugees youth Lebanon Social Sciences Samhällsvetenskap
3	The Impact Of Palestinian Refugees On Lebanese Politics Kose, Handan Hilal 01 September 2012 (has links) (PDF) The overall purpose of this thesis is to analyze the impact of the Palestinian refugees on Lebanese politics. The role of the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon is discussed within the framework of explaining the political character of the Lebanese state. In this context the Lebanese state&rsquo / s perception concerning the Palestinians refugees in Lebanon is analyzed through explaining the living conditions of the refugees and the Palestinian military and political activities in Lebanon as well as the restrictions of the Lebanese laws and regulations on the Palestinian refugees. It is argued that the Lebanese state follows discriminitary policies against the existence of the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon. HN By Region or Country 251-291
4	The right to political participation and the negotiation of durable solutions : Palestinian refugees in comparative context Rempel, Terrance January 2013 (has links) In the 1990s Palestinian refugees sought to secure a seat in negotiations alongside the PLO and Israel in talks to resolve their situation. Their efforts raise a number of basic questions concerning the right to political participation and the negotiation of durable solutions to refugee situations. First and foremost is the question of whether peace negotiations comprise a conduct of public affairs under international law entailing a concomitant right to take part. Second and related is the question of whether citizens, refugees in particular, have a right to take part in the conduct of public affairs when they are outside their country of citizenship voluntarily or otherwise. This study examines these questions through legal analysis of the right to political participation under international treaty law, jurisprudence and soft law and through empirical analysis of all negotiated settlements to armed conflict between 1990 and 2000. The study concludes that while refugees did not have a "right" to take part in the negotiation of durable solutions during the period under consideration, the PLO and Israel may have nevertheless had an obligation to facilitate the participation of refugees in a manner that would have allowed for substantial influence on decisions affecting their lives with the objective of shared ownership of agreements reached. The study also finds that between 1990 and 2000 few refugees appeared to take part directly in the direct negotiations to their situation. The implementation of durable solutions and agreements reached along with unofficial or indirect peacemaking mechanisms appeared to comprise the primary or most common domains for political participation. The study concludes that the negotiation of durable solutions for refugees is nevertheless a developing area of law and practice which has arguably strengthened in the decade since Israel and PLO sought to achieve a negotiated solution to the Palestinian refugee issue. 956.94054
5	Analýza působení UNRWA ve vybraných zemích Blízkého Východu / UNRWA and its activities in selected Middle East countries Hlaváčová, Lenka January 2013 (has links) The main aim of this master thesis is analyze role of UNRWA in the Middle East in 1950- 2010 based on the collected data. The main focus is on the population growth tendencies which are often criticized as the result of the UNRWA politics and which might be prolonging the conflict in the area. Second part of this thesis focuses on the elementary and preparatory education at UNRWA schools. Based on the research done, it was concluded that UNRWA isn't responsible of Palestinian refugee growth as it is the result of population growth in region and the result of foreign events. In question of elementary and preparatory education, the decreasing percentage tendencies in attendance at UNRWA run schools have been observed despite multiplication of the refugee population. This might be a result of failing to accommodate to the needs of Palestinian refugees.
6	Le droit international à l'épreuve de la question palestinienne : quel état palestinien ? / International law put to the test of the palestinian question : which palestinian state ? Al Smadi, Morsee 09 July 2012 (has links) La question palestinienne est depuis un siècle sans solution. Les Palestiniens qui, tout comme les peuples arabes de la région, espéraient obtenir leur indépendance à l'issue de la 1ère Guerre mondiale se sont vus placés sous Mandat britannique octroyé par la Société des Nations. Depuis la Palestine est la terre d'un affrontement de deux nationalismes ; arabe palestinien d'un côté et juif sioniste de l'autre. L'intervention de l'ONU en vue de résoudre la question par le partage de la Palestine (un Etat arabe et un Etat juif) n'a pas apporté la solution. Au contraire, cela a aggravé la situation. Plusieurs guerres ont éclaté créant des situations humaines terribles notamment en ce qui concerne les réfugiés palestiniens et l'occupation des territoires palestiniens en 1967. De plus, le conflit israélo-arabe a pris un caractère durable. Depuis 1967 le Droit International dans son organisation actuelle se trouve tantôt inappliqué tantôt bloqué. En effet, Bien que les droits nationaux du peuple palestinien à l'autodétermination et à l'indépendance étatique aient été reconnus et à mainte reprise rappelés fussent l'occupation israélienne perdure. L'échec du Droit International dans le règlement de la question a laissé place à des négociations politiques, entre Israël et les Palestiniens représentés par l'OLP, et qui se sont soldées par la mise en place d'un régime transitoire vers la formation d'un Etat palestinien souverain. La dynamique d'Oslo a consolidé le droit du peuple palestinien à l'autodétermination, notamment par la territorialisation de la direction palestinienne dans les Territoires Occupés et l'instauration des structures institutionnelles autonomes, pouvant servir de base à la construction étatique. Toutefois, forcé de constater une inertie dans les négociations, qui durent depuis dix-huit ans, et un non respect du calendrier établi par les Accords. Aussi, plusieurs éléments mettent en doute la possibilité d'un Etat souverain et indépendant sur les frontières de 1967 : le durcissement de la position israélienne sur la question territoriale ; la volonté manifeste d'Israël de conserver le contrôle sur une partie de la Cisjordanie ; le refus d'évacuer les territoires selon le calendrier ; la multiplication des faits accomplis ; la poursuite de la colonisation et la construction du mur de séparation dans les Territoires Occupés. / For a century, the Palestinian issue has been unresolved. Following the First World War, Palestinians, like other Arab people in the region, hoped to gain their independence but were placed under British mandate granted by the League of Nations. Since then, Palestine has been a place where two nationalisms have clashed: Palestinian Arab nationalism on the one side and Jewish Zionism on the other. The UN intervention to resolve the issue by a partition of Palestine (one Arab state and one Jewish state) failed to provide a solution. On the contrary, it aggravated the situation. Several wars erupted which generated terrible human situations, regarding in particular the Palestinians refugees or the occupation of the Palestinian territories in 1967. Furthermore, the Arab-Israeli conflict became a long standing one. Since 1967, International Law, in its current form, is sometimes unimplemented sometimes blocked. Despite the rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination and independent statehood having been recognized and repeatedly reaffirmed, the Israeli occupation endures. International law's failure in resolving the issue has given way to political negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians represented by the PLO. Such negotiations led to the establishment of a transitory system towards the creation of a sovereign Palestinian state. The dynamics of Oslo has strengthened the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, including by the territorialisation of the Palestinian authority in the occupied territories and the establishment of autonomous institutional structures which can form the basis for state building. However, forced to conclude to a lack of progress in the negotiations, under way for the past eighteen years, as well as to a failure to comply with the timetable established by the Agreements. Therefore, several factors cast doubt on the possibility of a sovereign and independent state to be established on the 1967 borders: the hardening of the Israeli stand on the territorial issue, Israel's clear desire to retain control over part of the West Bank; its refusal to evacuate the territories according to schedule; its policy of fait accompli, its continuation of settlement activities and the construction of the separation wall within the Occupied Territories. Conflit israélo-palestinien Droit International Droits de l'Homme Accords de paix Etat palestinien Territoires Occupés OLP Réfugiés Israeli-palestinian conflict International Law Human Rights Peace process Palestinian State Occupied Territories PLO Palestinian Refugees
7	Estados de suspensão: modos de resistência de refugiados palestinos reassentados na cidade de Mogi das Cruzes (SP) Garcia, Elizabeth Suzana de Carvalho 18 November 2009 (has links) Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:32:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Elizabeth Suzana de Carvalho Garcia.pdf: 15266084 bytes, checksum: bd521b0ed7adb69c6ae69a7c57acb7f2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-11-18 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This study intends to identify and analyze Palestinian refugees ways of resistance experienced during the process of being resettled in Brazil, after having suffered enforced displacement and other refuge situation. This process is criss-crossed by the practices of the governmental and civil, national and international refugee support agencies. Our approach: the institutional analysis. In chapter one we reconstructed the trajectory of historical resistance of the Palestinian refugees since the end of the Turkish-Ottoman domination, as well as the foundation of the State of Israel, until the actual struggle for the end of the Israeli occupation and establishment of the State of Palestine. In chapter two we analyzed their resistance experiences on exile and in refuge camps. Our main theoretical supports: Nietzsche, Foucault, Agamben and Arendt. In chapter three we focused and analyzed the experiences of one Palestinian refugee family brought to Brazil to be resettled in the city of Mogi das Cruzes, state of São Paulo. With the perspectives of "power/knowledge" analytics, "will of truth" and "constitution of the subject" we were able to problematize humanitarian practices and public policies on refugees, specially the Brazilian ones and its pastoral/tutelage/victimization effects. We also explored the refugee existence, their creative powers and impasses / Utilizando-se de aporte teórico-metodológico da Análise Institucional a presente dissertação de mestrado busca identificar e analisar os modos de resistência experimentados por refugiados palestinos já impactados pelo deslocamento forçado e situação de refúgio - quando atravessados pelas práticas operadas pelas agências governamentais e da sociedade civil (nacionais e internacionais) que atuam no atendimento do refugiado trazido para reassentamento em território brasileiro. Para tanto procuramos refazer inicialmente a trajetória de resistência histórica dos refugiados palestinos, desde o fim da dominação turco-otomana, passando pela fundação do Estado de Israel, até chegar a seu estado atual de luta pelo fim da ocupação israelense e estabelecimento de um Estado palestino. Num segundo momento buscamos, com Nietzsche, Foucault, Agamben e Arendt, entre outros autores, analisar outra face dessa resistência, aquela operada no exílio e no refúgio nos campos de refugiados. E finalmente, com o objetivo de investigar essa resistência mais de perto, acompanhamos uma experiência bastante localizada de um grupo em especial de uma família de refugiados palestinos trazidos para reassentamento na cidade de Mogi das Cruzes, no Estado de São Paulo. Esse caminho de investigação foi realizado sob a perspectiva analítica do saber-poder, da vontade de verdade e da constituição do sujeito e buscou problematizar as práticas humanitárias e as políticas públicas dirigidas aos refugiados em território nacional, em seus efeitos pastorais/tutelares/vitimizadores. Nesse processo buscamos também evidenciar na existência desses refugiados suas potências criativas e seus impasses Refugiados palestinos Campo de refugiados Direitos humanos Reassentamento Palestinos -- Direitos humanos -- Brasil Palestinos -- Mogi das Cruzes, SP Refugiados -- Psicologia Palestinian refugees Refuge camp Human rights Resettlement Social psychology
8	Palestinský stát: možné varianty státoprávního uspořádání / Possible forms of Palestinian State Janeček, Pavel January 2013 (has links) This thesis deals with a number of selected peace plans for Israeli-Palestinian conflict and their solutions for the most crucial problems of this area. These problems are: Palestinian refugees, Israeli West Bank settlements, Lack of water resources, Jerusalem and Gaza strip. The first chapter summarizes the history of the development of this area before the formation of the state of Israel until today and also presents the current political situation of Israel. Next chapter continues with the research of these problems, which are almost always present and dealt with by new peace plans. The following chapter introduces selected peace plans and analyzes their encompassed solutions for the selected problems. The thesis ends with a chapter, in which the author attempts to suggest a suitable future scenario for the State of Palestine, which would be acceptable for both sides.
9	Sovereignty, Peacekeeping, and the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF), Suez 1956-1967: Insiders’ Perspectives Hilmy, Hanny 13 February 2015 (has links) This research is concerned with the complex and contested relationship between the sovereign prerogatives of states and the international imperative of defusing world conflicts. Due to its historical setting following World War Two, the national vs. international staking of claims was framed within the escalating imperial-nationalist confrontation and the impending “end of empire”, both of which were significantly influenced by the role Israel played in this saga. The research looks at the issue of “decolonization” and the anti-colonial struggle waged under the leadership of Egypt’s President Nasser. The Suez War is analyzed as the historical event that signaled the beginning of the final chapter in the domination of the European empires in the Middle East (sub-Saharan decolonization followed beginning in the early 1960s), and the emergence of the United States as the new major Western power in the Middle East. The Suez experience highlighted a stubborn contest between the defenders of the concept of “sovereign consent” and the advocates of “International intervention”. Both the deployment of the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) and its termination were surrounded by controversy and legal-political wrangling. The role of UNEF and UN peacekeeping operations in general framed the development of a new concept for an emerging international human rights law and crisis management. The UNEF experience, moreover, brought into sharp relief the need for a conflict resolution component for any peace operation. International conflict management, and human rights protection are both subject to an increasing interventionist international legal regime. Consequently, the traditional concept of “sovereignty” is facing increasing challenge. By its very nature, the subject matter of this multi-dimensional research involves historical, political and international legal aspects shaping the research’s content and conclusions. The research utilizes the experience and contributions of several key participants in this pioneering peacekeeping experience. In the last chapter, recommendations are made –based on all the elements covered in the research- to suggest contributions to the evolving UN ground rules for international crisis intervention and management. / Graduate / hilmyh@uvic.ca National Sovereignty Peacekeeping Peacemaking UNEF Decolonization End of Empire Israel Zionism Sevres Agreement Dag Hammarskjold U Thant General E L M Burns General Amin Hilmy II General Charles Keightley General Andre Beaufre General Indar J. Rikhye 1956 Suez War Good Faith Agreement 1967 Arab-Israeli War President Gamal Abdel Nasser Sovereign Consent International Human Rights Law Johan Galtung Lester Pearson President Dwight Eisenhower Secretary John F. Dulles Prime Minister Anthony Eden Prime Minister Guy Mollet Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion General Moshe Dayan General Abdel Hakim Amer Status of Forces Agreement Port Said Arab-Israeli Armistice Agreements UNTSO National Liberation Anti-Colonial Struggle Sovereign Equality Westphalia Kadesh Musketeer Uniting for Peace Resolution International Court of Justice UN Security Council UN General Assembly UN Charter Chapter VII Enforcement Measures Chapter VI Voluntary Compliance Palestinian Refugees Negev Desert Sharm El-Sheikh Sinai Peninsula Gaza Strip Gulf of Aqaba Cold War United States Soviet Union (USSR) Lavon Affair MEDO Operation ALPHA OMEGA Plan Baghdad Pact Bandung Conference Mohamed Heikal Aide Memoire Mohamed Mosaddegh Aswan High Dam 1888 Constantinople Convention USS Liberty Straits of Tiran International Law Mahmoud Fawzi Prime Minister Levi Eshkol President Lyndon Johnson Abbba Eban 1992 Agenda for Peace Boutros Boutros-Ghali 2000 Brahimi Report Lakhdar Brahimi 2001 Responsibility to Protect Kofi Annan General Romeo Dallaire Permanent UN Army 2000 SHIRBRIG International Human Rights Law International Humanitarian Law UNEF II status quo ante bellum locus standi pacta sunt servanda erga omnes Lord Caradon Security Council 242

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