This diploma thesis titled "Developments of the Foreign Policy of FRG in Relation to the Palestinian Question 1967-1974" aims to bring closer look at the dynamics of development of the foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany in the time when the Palestinian question began to resonate with international community. This empirical study, inspired in its' structure by the Two-Level Game concept by Robert D. Putnam, examines the effects that the Bonn Republic had to deal with in the context of today's unresolved and often polarizing issues and identify factors that were decisive for shaping of the policy. The thesis operates with hypothesis that the pro-Palestinian speech of the representative of West Germany at the United Nations in 1974 was the natural outcome of the transformation that foreign policy has undergone in the years leading to it. After the historical part, which describes the relationship between Germany and the South Levant region until 1945, the second and third chapters deal with the external and internal influences that influenced the FRG in the chosen period. Among the strongest international influences were the US, Israel, Arab states and multilateral actors such as the UN and the European Community. On the national level, in addition to political parties, public opinion,...

The main aim of this master thesis is analyze role of UNRWA in the Middle East in 1950- 2010 based on the collected data. The main focus is on the population growth tendencies which are often criticized as the result of the UNRWA politics and which might be prolonging the conflict in the area. Second part of this thesis focuses on the elementary and preparatory education at UNRWA schools. Based on the research done, it was concluded that UNRWA isn't responsible of Palestinian refugee growth as it is the result of population growth in region and the result of foreign events. In question of elementary and preparatory education, the decreasing percentage tendencies in attendance at UNRWA run schools have been observed despite multiplication of the refugee population. This might be a result of failing to accommodate to the needs of Palestinian refugees.

Cette recherche porte sur l’analyse des problématiques des langues et des identités dans le roman composé en hébreu par des membres de la minorité palestinienne d’Israël – (Texte hybride selon Yassir Suleiman, 2013). Elle combine deux volets, l’un diachronique et l’autre analytique. D’une part, elle examine l’histoire du roman palestinien en hébreu, et les différents lieux dans lesquels l’hébreu et l’arabe, le Palestinien et le Juif israélien, minorité et majorité se rencontrent. D’autre part, l’approche comparative des œuvres d’Atallah Mansour (1935), d’Anton Shammas (1950) et de Sayed Kashua (1975) est proposée à partir de leur double appartenance, hébraïque et palestinienne. Elle envisage ces œuvres dans le cadre de la littérature mineure, de l’identité hybride postcoloniale et de l’espace tiers formulé par Mahmoud Darwich. L’enjeu est d’étudier les contours d’une narration palestinienne minoritaire engagée par des écrivains dans un processus de déconstruction, de reconfiguration et de correction de la représentation du personnage Palestinien dans la littérature hébraïque. / This research focuses on the analysis of the issues of language and identity in novels written in Hebrew by members of the Palestinian minority in Israel ("hybrid texts" according to Yassir Suleiman). It combines two components, one diachronic and one analytical. First, it examines the history of the Palestinian novel in Hebrew and the different fields where Hebrew and Arabic, Palestinian and Israeli Jew as well as minority and majority meet. Second, the analytical, comparative approach of the works of Atallah Mansour (1935), Anton Shammas (1950) and Sayed Kashua (1975) is examined from their dual, Israeli and Palestinian, affiliation. It sets these works in the context of Minor Literature, post-colonial hybrid identity and Mahmoud Darwich’s third space. The aim is to outline the Palestinian narrative initiated by minority writers as a process of deconstruction, reconfiguration and correction of the representation of the Palestinian character in Hebrew literature.

La question palestinienne est depuis un siècle sans solution. Les Palestiniens qui, tout comme les peuples arabes de la région, espéraient obtenir leur indépendance à l'issue de la 1ère Guerre mondiale se sont vus placés sous Mandat britannique octroyé par la Société des Nations. Depuis la Palestine est la terre d'un affrontement de deux nationalismes ; arabe palestinien d'un côté et juif sioniste de l'autre. L'intervention de l'ONU en vue de résoudre la question par le partage de la Palestine (un Etat arabe et un Etat juif) n'a pas apporté la solution. Au contraire, cela a aggravé la situation. Plusieurs guerres ont éclaté créant des situations humaines terribles notamment en ce qui concerne les réfugiés palestiniens et l'occupation des territoires palestiniens en 1967. De plus, le conflit israélo-arabe a pris un caractère durable. Depuis 1967 le Droit International dans son organisation actuelle se trouve tantôt inappliqué tantôt bloqué. En effet, Bien que les droits nationaux du peuple palestinien à l'autodétermination et à l'indépendance étatique aient été reconnus et à mainte reprise rappelés fussent l'occupation israélienne perdure. L'échec du Droit International dans le règlement de la question a laissé place à des négociations politiques, entre Israël et les Palestiniens représentés par l'OLP, et qui se sont soldées par la mise en place d'un régime transitoire vers la formation d'un Etat palestinien souverain. La dynamique d'Oslo a consolidé le droit du peuple palestinien à l'autodétermination, notamment par la territorialisation de la direction palestinienne dans les Territoires Occupés et l'instauration des structures institutionnelles autonomes, pouvant servir de base à la construction étatique. Toutefois, forcé de constater une inertie dans les négociations, qui durent depuis dix-huit ans, et un non respect du calendrier établi par les Accords. Aussi, plusieurs éléments mettent en doute la possibilité d'un Etat souverain et indépendant sur les frontières de 1967 : le durcissement de la position israélienne sur la question territoriale ; la volonté manifeste d'Israël de conserver le contrôle sur une partie de la Cisjordanie ; le refus d'évacuer les territoires selon le calendrier ; la multiplication des faits accomplis ; la poursuite de la colonisation et la construction du mur de séparation dans les Territoires Occupés. / For a century, the Palestinian issue has been unresolved. Following the First World War, Palestinians, like other Arab people in the region, hoped to gain their independence but were placed under British mandate granted by the League of Nations. Since then, Palestine has been a place where two nationalisms have clashed: Palestinian Arab nationalism on the one side and Jewish Zionism on the other. The UN intervention to resolve the issue by a partition of Palestine (one Arab state and one Jewish state) failed to provide a solution. On the contrary, it aggravated the situation. Several wars erupted which generated terrible human situations, regarding in particular the Palestinians refugees or the occupation of the Palestinian territories in 1967. Furthermore, the Arab-Israeli conflict became a long standing one. Since 1967, International Law, in its current form, is sometimes unimplemented sometimes blocked. Despite the rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination and independent statehood having been recognized and repeatedly reaffirmed, the Israeli occupation endures. International law's failure in resolving the issue has given way to political negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians represented by the PLO. Such negotiations led to the establishment of a transitory system towards the creation of a sovereign Palestinian state. The dynamics of Oslo has strengthened the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, including by the territorialisation of the Palestinian authority in the occupied territories and the establishment of autonomous institutional structures which can form the basis for state building. However, forced to conclude to a lack of progress in the negotiations, under way for the past eighteen years, as well as to a failure to comply with the timetable established by the Agreements. Therefore, several factors cast doubt on the possibility of a sovereign and independent state to be established on the 1967 borders: the hardening of the Israeli stand on the territorial issue, Israel's clear desire to retain control over part of the West Bank; its refusal to evacuate the territories according to schedule; its policy of fait accompli, its continuation of settlement activities and the construction of the separation wall within the Occupied Territories.

Cette recherche porte sur l’analyse des problématiques des langues et des identités dans le roman composé en hébreu par des membres de la minorité palestinienne d’Israël – (Texte hybride selon Yassir Suleiman, 2013). Elle combine deux volets, l’un diachronique et l’autre analytique. D’une part, elle examine l’histoire du roman palestinien en hébreu, et les différents lieux dans lesquels l’hébreu et l’arabe, le Palestinien et le Juif israélien, minorité et majorité se rencontrent. D’autre part, l’approche comparative des œuvres d’Atallah Mansour (1935), d’Anton Shammas (1950) et de Sayed Kashua (1975) est proposée à partir de leur double appartenance, hébraïque et palestinienne. Elle envisage ces œuvres dans le cadre de la littérature mineure, de l’identité hybride postcoloniale et de l’espace tiers formulé par Mahmoud Darwich. L’enjeu est d’étudier les contours d’une narration palestinienne minoritaire engagée par des écrivains dans un processus de déconstruction, de reconfiguration et de correction de la représentation du personnage Palestinien dans la littérature hébraïque. / This research focuses on the analysis of the issues of language and identity in novels written in Hebrew by members of the Palestinian minority in Israel ("hybrid texts" according to Yassir Suleiman). It combines two components, one diachronic and one analytical. First, it examines the history of the Palestinian novel in Hebrew and the different fields where Hebrew and Arabic, Palestinian and Israeli Jew as well as minority and majority meet. Second, the analytical, comparative approach of the works of Atallah Mansour (1935), Anton Shammas (1950) and Sayed Kashua (1975) is examined from their dual, Israeli and Palestinian, affiliation. It sets these works in the context of Minor Literature, post-colonial hybrid identity and Mahmoud Darwich’s third space. The aim is to outline the Palestinian narrative initiated by minority writers as a process of deconstruction, reconfiguration and correction of the representation of the Palestinian character in Hebrew literature.

This thesis deals with a number of selected peace plans for Israeli-Palestinian conflict and their solutions for the most crucial problems of this area. These problems are: Palestinian refugees, Israeli West Bank settlements, Lack of water resources, Jerusalem and Gaza strip. The first chapter summarizes the history of the development of this area before the formation of the state of Israel until today and also presents the current political situation of Israel. Next chapter continues with the research of these problems, which are almost always present and dealt with by new peace plans. The following chapter introduces selected peace plans and analyzes their encompassed solutions for the selected problems. The thesis ends with a chapter, in which the author attempts to suggest a suitable future scenario for the State of Palestine, which would be acceptable for both sides.

A presente dissertação de mestrado tem por objetivo traçar uma história da ideia de um Estado binacional para árabes e judeus na Palestina histórica. O estudo busca, após definir as especificidades de um Estado binacional, compreender a circulação da ideia binacional no período anterior à criação do Estado de Israel, em 1948, entre judeus e árabes-palestinos progressistas, dentro do movimento sionista e em organizações de esquerda da Palestina. Em um segundo momento, busca-se entender como o período compreendido entre a criação do Estado de Israel e o processo que levou aos Acordos de Oslo, nos anos 90, ao mesmo tempo silenciou o ideal binacional e criou as bases para seu ressurgimento na virada do século. Por fim, são analisadas, frente ao contexto israelo-palestino na atualidade, as perspectivas do ressurgimento de propostas binacionais, mais nítido entre jornalistas de esquerda, algumas figuras que fizeram ou fazem marginalmente parte da política institucional, intelectuais e acadêmicos adeptos de perspectivas críticas, assim como entre ativistas e movimentos sociais por direitos humanos envolvidos na região. / This Masters thesis aims to trace a history of the idea of a bi-national state for Arabs and Jews in historical Palestine. After laying out the specificities of a binational state, it reconstructs the circulation of the binational idea in the period before the creation of the State of Israel in 1948, among progressive Jews and Palestinian Arabs, in the Zionist movement, and among left-wing organizations in Palestine. In a second step, we we analize how the period between the establishment of the State of Israel and the peace process that led to the Oslo Accords, in the 90s, was marked by silence around the binational ideal while all the same laying the foundations for its revival at the turn of the 21st century. Finally, regarding todays Israeli-Palestinian context, we analyze the prospects of revival of binational proposals, focusing on left-wing journalists, a number of more or less marginal participants in institutional politics, some critical intellectuals and academic supporters, and among activists and social movements for human rights.

Univ., Diss.--Basel, 2006.

A presente dissertação de mestrado tem por objetivo traçar uma história da ideia de um Estado binacional para árabes e judeus na Palestina histórica. O estudo busca, após definir as especificidades de um Estado binacional, compreender a circulação da ideia binacional no período anterior à criação do Estado de Israel, em 1948, entre judeus e árabes-palestinos progressistas, dentro do movimento sionista e em organizações de esquerda da Palestina. Em um segundo momento, busca-se entender como o período compreendido entre a criação do Estado de Israel e o processo que levou aos Acordos de Oslo, nos anos 90, ao mesmo tempo silenciou o ideal binacional e criou as bases para seu ressurgimento na virada do século. Por fim, são analisadas, frente ao contexto israelo-palestino na atualidade, as perspectivas do ressurgimento de propostas binacionais, mais nítido entre jornalistas de esquerda, algumas figuras que fizeram ou fazem marginalmente parte da política institucional, intelectuais e acadêmicos adeptos de perspectivas críticas, assim como entre ativistas e movimentos sociais por direitos humanos envolvidos na região. / This Masters thesis aims to trace a history of the idea of a bi-national state for Arabs and Jews in historical Palestine. After laying out the specificities of a binational state, it reconstructs the circulation of the binational idea in the period before the creation of the State of Israel in 1948, among progressive Jews and Palestinian Arabs, in the Zionist movement, and among left-wing organizations in Palestine. In a second step, we we analize how the period between the establishment of the State of Israel and the peace process that led to the Oslo Accords, in the 90s, was marked by silence around the binational ideal while all the same laying the foundations for its revival at the turn of the 21st century. Finally, regarding todays Israeli-Palestinian context, we analyze the prospects of revival of binational proposals, focusing on left-wing journalists, a number of more or less marginal participants in institutional politics, some critical intellectuals and academic supporters, and among activists and social movements for human rights.

The thesis examines the practice of corruption in the Palestinian Authority (PA) from the period of its establishment until the death of Arafat. Palestinian elite formation from the late Ottoman period until the establishment of the PA was assessed in order to identify the elites that came into power in the PA and the political cultures they came to espouse. The two primary elite groups’ (Outsider elites and Insider counter-elites) conflicting political cultures were assessed in how they influenced the decision making process, the construction, and exhibited institutional behaviour of the PA. With the signing of the Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements (Oslo Accords) on the 13th of September, 1993 between the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and the Government of Israel it established the Palestinian Authority as the government in transition for the Palestinians. The agreements conferred the governing power and leadership role to the PLO Outsider elites (under Arafat). Due to the secret nature and asymmetrical power relation by which the negotiations and agreements were conducted and signed between the PLO Outsider leadership and the Government of Israel, which excluded inputs from Palestinian Insider elites, the culminating PA structure came to exhibit institutional weakness with certain neo-patrimonial behaviour. The political framework by which the Oslo Accords constructed the PA and influenced by international actors warranted institutional-weakness. Moreover, as external actors’ demands for the PA to deal with the declining Peace Process, and address political and security issues increased, PA corruption behaviour became more apparent and proliferated which became indicative of its fundamental problem in that it lacked statehood, lacked authority and legitimacy, and thus resorted to neo-patrimonial and repressive methods to govern. This neo-patrimonial political culture of Arafat and his governing Outsider elites used corruption as a PA political tool for survival thus suppressing a nascent democratic political culture of the Insiders and consequently led to an institutionalisation of corruption in the PA.