This work makes no pretence at being a comprehensive account of the War of Ngcayecibi and its context in Cape and Imperial History. It omits all but passing reference to Imperial Policy, Frere's Federation plans, the Constitutional Crisis and the dismissal of the Molteno Ministry, all of which have been more than adequately covered elsewhere. Rather it concentrates on a study of the war in terms of black/white relations. The responses of the blacks to white pressures on their land and traditional society are examined, particularly those of Sarhili and the Gcaleka, for Sarhili, the gentlemanly but tragic Paramount Chief of the Xhosa, is the central figure in the canvas of black Ciskeian and Transkeian leaders of the time, and the War of Ngcayecibi is very much a Xhosa war. I have tried to avoid a conventional account of the military operations of the war, sketching only the broad outlines of military operations and concentrating on the strategies adopted by black and white forces, and the reasons for which various black chiefdoms or segments thereof participated in the war. Orthography. The matter of orthography is a tricky one, for Xhosa orthography has been recently overhauled and is not yet finalised. I have attempted with the aid of Mr Sidney Zotwana of the Institute of Social and Economic Research at Rhodes University to adopt the most acceptable forms of Xhosa names. I have dropped the use of all prefixes since I felt their use would have been pedantic in what, after a11, is an English language thesis and since there is no chance of confusion between historical figures like Gcaleka and the amaGcaleka people. Sources. The documents printed in Cape an~ Imperial Blue-Books, especially the Cape Blue-Books, on Native Affairs for the years 1874-1884, and the correspondence in the Native Affairs Archive in the Government Archives in Cape Town, proved to be the most valuable official and semi-official sources. The Merriman and Molteno Papers in the South African Library in Cape Town were the most useful private papers consulted, though odd items in the Cory Library, Rhodes University, Grahamstown, proved of use. The rash of memoirs published after the war were, with exceptions, singularly unilluminating. Most prominent amongst the exceptions was West W. Fynn: The'77 War ••• (East London, 1911), an account of the war written by the Clerk of the Resident to Sarhili. Although Fynn has a grudge against treatment he received from the Colonial Government at the time, and is not above dramatising his role, he was in an unparalle11ed position to observe the events leading up to the war and records much valuable information. The voluminous notebooks in Cory Library of the late Dr A.W. Burton, an amateur Border historian who had researched the war, were interesting but difficult to use because of an almost total lack of footnoting or reference to sources. J.R. Soga's two works, The South Eastern Bantu (Johannesburg, 1930) and The Ama-Xosa: Life and Customs (Lovedale, 1931) are well known and proved useful but, as will be seen, have to be treated with care. Of more modern works, J. Peires: "A History of the Xhosa c.1700-1835" if (unp. M.A. thesis, Rhodes University, 1976) proved invaluable as a background to Xhosa society and earlier Xhosa history. The works of Christopher Saunders, who has written much on topics related to the war, were indispensable. C.J. Schoeman: "Die Negende Grensbotsing" (unp. M.A. thesis, University of Port Elizabeth, 1976), the one general study of the war thus far written, covers military operations at great length and is a work very much in the mould of traditional Afrikaner Frontier Historiography.

Masters in Public Administration - MPA / Integration of indigenous leaders into modem political structures and process of local government has been a source of contention for several decades on the African continent. This study describes, analyses and assesses efforts made by postcolonial, apartheid and the liberal democratic government to incorporate indigenous leaders in their governmental structures and processes. Based on this examination, the study presents elements of a model on how a democratic South Africa could in grate indigenous leaders into the current liberal democratic structures, especially in rural municipal authorities of the Northern Province. Data used for the study was collected from government documents, articles, law books and anthropological sources. In the discussion and analysis, attempts were made, wherever appropriate to cite experiences of other African countries. Such experiences were designed to inform certain aspects of this study, especially in the manner in which traditional leaders were integrated into local government. Further, data regarding current attitudes among stakeholders were collected from questionnaires administered to women, youth, traditional leaders, national, provincial and local government officials and legislators The study revealed several aspects of leadership such as the system employed by French and British colonizers (i.e. 'direct' and 'indirect' rule system). These colonial powers both identified traditional rulers as a link between their governments and indigenous communities. To confirm this, both appointed puppet traditional rulers and deposed authentic traditional rulers who were opposed to colonial rule. Since traditional leaders form part of indigenous people's background, colonial powers subjected indigenous rulers stances at different places. If traditional rulers were conquered, their powers were drastically reduced, suppressed, their power-base was weakened and authority on land and matters of justice were usurped. On the other hand, those traditional rulers who signed treaties with the colonial government received favours such as sending their family members abroad to further their education and the traditional ruler retained the status of 'King'. The British government introduced a policy of indirect rule. This rule had echoed even in South Africa after the British rule through to the days of apartheid. This rule prescribed that each tribe was to be supervised by a Paramount chief for centralized authority with sub-chiefs who were in charge of regions. This system continued through the apartheid era. The current democratic government has entrenched in the constitution a provision for the recognition of the institution of traditional rulers, but it lacks clarity on the role and function of traditional leaders at local government level. Thus, chiefs ought to be genuinely engaged in modem governance and face realities of change and adapt to the new order for their future existence and continue serving their communities in the northern province in particular and South Africa in general.

Le contrat du transport maritime de marchandises dont l'objet est de transporter les marchandises d'un endroit à un autre, se distingue de certains contrats voisins comme le contrat d'affrètement et le contrat au tonnage. Parmi les conventions qui le réglementent, on trouve celles qui créent, par leurs dispositions, une domination contractuelle. Dans le but de lutter contre celle-ci, le législateur international est intervenu à travers différents textes internationaux dont la plus récente est la «Convention des Nations Unies sur le contrat de transport international de marchandises effectué entièrement ou partiellement par mer» (« Règles de Rotterdam») conclu à New York le 11 décembre 2008. La réunification mondiale du droit des transports, le rééquilibrage des intérêts entre le chargeur et le transporteur, l'utilisation d'un seul contrat de transport pour la totalité du transport de la marchandise, ainsi que la modernisation du droit des transports maritimes constituent les principaux intérêts des règles de Rotterdam. / The principle of the contract for the carriage of goods is to carry them from place to another. This contract is different from other similar contracts, like the Contract of Tonnage and the Charter Contract. Some International Conventions have created imbalance between the carrier and the shipper. In order to avoid this imbalance, the international legislator has created multiple Conventions. The latest Convection was the "Convention of Contracts for the International Carrying of Goods Wholly or Partly by Sea''. The Rotterdam Rules adopted on December 11. 2008 by The UN General Assembly in New York. The main advantages of the Rotterdam Rules are the world reunification of the law of carrying, the rebalancing of shipper's interests and the carrier's interests, the use of one contract for the whole carrying of goods and the modernization of the law of carrying by sea.

Le transport international de marchandises par mer met en présence des opérateurs du commerce international qui ont une forte demande de sécurité juridique. L'uniformité du droit devrait pouvoir la satisfaire. L'observation du phénomène de création des règles applicables à cette activité montre que les Etats ont cherché à les unifier par la voie conventionnelle sans y parvenir. La thèse, par une étude de l'élaboration, de l'adoption puis de la mise en œuvre du droit applicable au transport international de marchandises par mer constatera une dissonance entre le désir d'uniformité et sa réalité. En effet, les Conventions applicables à cette matière se contredisent, se superposent ou sont vidées de leur sens par des interprétations « nationalisantes ». Face à cet échec, le monde maritime invente des outils d'uniformisation de ce droit. Il en est ainsi par exemple de ses contrats-types et autres juridictions arbitrales. De telles pratiques ne contribuent-elles pas à l'uniformité du droit ?

Introductory: If the relations existing between the Native chiefs and the Colony which Sir George Grey found on his arrival are to be fully understood, a brief consideration of Cathcart’s policy and Frontier settlement is necessary. When Cathcart came out as Governor in 1852, he found the rebel chief Sandile, with associate chieftans’ and large bands of followers, still occupying their locations in the Amatola ranges. From this haunt no force had as yet been able to drive them. During the series of skirmishes known as the Eighth Kaffir War, their first crop of Indian corn was destroyed so early in the season as to allow of a second crop springing up. This unusual phenomenon inspired prophet Umlangeni to claim that he had worked a miracle. Fortunately later reverses and the expulsion of Sanailli from his mountain fastness discredited this thoughtful opportunist. Sandilli, as paramount chief of the Gaikas, might have held and influential position in the councils of the Kaffrarian chiefs, that he did not hold such a position, was due, in Charles Brownlee’s opinion, to his timid and suspicious nature and to the fact that his mental capacity was ‘hardly above mediocrity’. He was unable to fight owing to lameness, and he lacked ‘sufficient’ resciution and strength of mind to resist the evil influence of the bad advisers, nevertheless he could be obstinate and he never, to the end of his life, gave up on the idea of getting back to this old locations in the Amatolas. Macomo with some three thousand followers had likewise evaded all attempts to turn him out of this haunts in the mountain range. He, together with his associate the Tambookie chief Quesha, and diverse rebel Hotttentots, indulged in the frequent marauding forays into the surrounding country. Macomo was the eldest of Gaika’s sons and was “allowed by all to be the greatest politician and best warrior in Kaffraria’. During the minority of Sandilli Macomo had acted as his regent and had attained great influence over the tribe; this he afterwards lost for he moved to the neighbourhood of Fort Beaufort, where in a state of intoxication most of this time was passed. He had in Brownlee’s opinion, done more mischief in the war than any other chief. Great jealously was felt between Macomo and Sandilli, especially on the part of the former; this was shown through the cattle killing period in his efforts to involve Sandilli, while attempting to keep on the right side of the Government himself. Further south, indeed within the Colony itself, such petty chiefs as Seyolo and Botman, lurking in the Fish River bush, and the Keiskamma kloofs, rendered the main road dangerous, and even succeeded, for a time, in completely cutting the ling of communication between Kingwilliamstown and Grahamstown.

In the year 2004 South Africa celebrated its first ten years of democracy, which reflected the success of the struggle for the liberation of this country. The year 1960 was considered as a year of strong resistance throughout South Africa. Political leaders like Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, Robert Sobukwe, Raymond Mhlaba, Chief Albert Luthuli, Walter Sisulu, Ahmed Kathrada, Lionel Bernstein, Dennis Goldberg and others played a vital role in leading the black people to resist the plan of the current Prime Minister Hendrick Verwoerd, who deprived Africans of their citizenship by forcing the Bantustan system upon them. On the 6th June 1960 more than four thousand Pondos from eastern Pondoland (Bizana, Lusikisiki, Flagstaff and Ntabankulu) met at Ngquza Hill with the intention of discussing their problems. They demanded the withdrawal of the hated system of the Bantu Authorities Act, the representation of all South Africans in the Republic's Parliament, relief from increased taxes and the abolition of the pass system. Before these problems were tabled before the people, a military force had occupied Ngquza Hill. The peaceful meeting was turned into a massacre of innocent people, when police shot victims, tear-gassed them and beat them with batons. Eleven people were killed, many of them were shot in the backs of their heads; and more than 48 casualties were hospitalized and arrested. The Paramount Chief, Botha Sigcau, was blamed for the massacre because he was seen as supporting the government, and this led to the uprising in Pondoland from 1960 to 1963. This event happened three months after the Sharpeville shooting of the 21st March 1960. More than 200 casualties were reported and 69 unarmed protesters were shot dead outside the police station. The ANC and PAC, the liberation movements of the day, were banned and a state of emergency was declared. The Nationalist government suspected the African National Congress of being behind the revolt in Pondoland. The ringleaders of the Pondo Revolt were Mthethunzima Ganyile, Anderson Ganyile, Solomon Madikizela and Theophulus Ntshangela. They listed the Acts that were to be protested against as follows: The Bantu Authorities Act of 1951, the Bantu Education Act of 1953, the Pass Law System of 1952, as well as rehabilitation and betterment schemes. These Acts were imposed by the National Party through Paramount Chief Botha Sigcau. All were detrimental to the future of the Pondo people. Church leaders such as Beyers Naude, Ben Marais and Bartholomeus Keet of the Dutch Reformed Church (DRC), Archbishop Geoffrey Clayton and Archbishop Desmond Tutu of the Anglican Church, Rev Charles Villa-Vicencio of the Methodist Church of Southern Africa, Allan Boesak of the Dutch Reformed Mission Church (DRMC) and others played a major role in confronting and challenging the Nationalist government, which justified apartheid as grounded on Scripture. Not all church leaders opposed this policy: the Dutch Reformed Church was the bedrock of apartheid, along with other Afrikaans speaking churches. This dissertation will serve as a tool to determine the involvement of the church regarding the Pondo Revolt in South Africa from 1960 to 1963. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M.Th. (Church History)

In the year 2004 South Africa celebrated its first ten years of democracy, which reflected the success of the struggle for the liberation of this country. The year 1960 was considered as a year of strong resistance throughout South Africa. Political leaders like Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, Robert Sobukwe, Raymond Mhlaba, Chief Albert Luthuli, Walter Sisulu, Ahmed Kathrada, Lionel Bernstein, Dennis Goldberg and others played a vital role in leading the black people to resist the plan of the current Prime Minister Hendrick Verwoerd, who deprived Africans of their citizenship by forcing the Bantustan system upon them. On the 6th June 1960 more than four thousand Pondos from eastern Pondoland (Bizana, Lusikisiki, Flagstaff and Ntabankulu) met at Ngquza Hill with the intention of discussing their problems. They demanded the withdrawal of the hated system of the Bantu Authorities Act, the representation of all South Africans in the Republic's Parliament, relief from increased taxes and the abolition of the pass system. Before these problems were tabled before the people, a military force had occupied Ngquza Hill. The peaceful meeting was turned into a massacre of innocent people, when police shot victims, tear-gassed them and beat them with batons. Eleven people were killed, many of them were shot in the backs of their heads; and more than 48 casualties were hospitalized and arrested. The Paramount Chief, Botha Sigcau, was blamed for the massacre because he was seen as supporting the government, and this led to the uprising in Pondoland from 1960 to 1963. This event happened three months after the Sharpeville shooting of the 21st March 1960. More than 200 casualties were reported and 69 unarmed protesters were shot dead outside the police station. The ANC and PAC, the liberation movements of the day, were banned and a state of emergency was declared. The Nationalist government suspected the African National Congress of being behind the revolt in Pondoland. The ringleaders of the Pondo Revolt were Mthethunzima Ganyile, Anderson Ganyile, Solomon Madikizela and Theophulus Ntshangela. They listed the Acts that were to be protested against as follows: The Bantu Authorities Act of 1951, the Bantu Education Act of 1953, the Pass Law System of 1952, as well as rehabilitation and betterment schemes. These Acts were imposed by the National Party through Paramount Chief Botha Sigcau. All were detrimental to the future of the Pondo people. Church leaders such as Beyers Naude, Ben Marais and Bartholomeus Keet of the Dutch Reformed Church (DRC), Archbishop Geoffrey Clayton and Archbishop Desmond Tutu of the Anglican Church, Rev Charles Villa-Vicencio of the Methodist Church of Southern Africa, Allan Boesak of the Dutch Reformed Mission Church (DRMC) and others played a major role in confronting and challenging the Nationalist government, which justified apartheid as grounded on Scripture. Not all church leaders opposed this policy: the Dutch Reformed Church was the bedrock of apartheid, along with other Afrikaans speaking churches. This dissertation will serve as a tool to determine the involvement of the church regarding the Pondo Revolt in South Africa from 1960 to 1963. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M.Th. (Church History)

This study is the product, chiefly, of fieldwork, undertaken in Sierra Leone, which sought to interview and experience contemporary Limba religio-cultural practices. Using a systematic approach, the goal was to provide a broader understanding of Limba religion, as well as to discover the effect of Limba religiosity, and the tenacity with which the Limba hold to their culture and religion, on the National Pentecostal Limba Church (NPLC) over the past three decades. The study begins with an introduction, which outlines its objectives and structure, the research methods, and its general outline. This is followed by a basic introduction to the socio-history of the Limba people, their origin, environment, language, politics, economy and other socio-cultural characteristics, in order to provide an understanding of the background on which their religion is formed. The heart of the study is a detailed examination of Limba religious beliefs and their intersection with Christianity. It includes a definition of Limba religion and its components. This seeks to identify the current state of Limba religion amidst the changes it has experienced and continues to experience as a result of internal and external influences, and to provide a template for this study, an analysis of the Limba belief in a supreme creator God whom they call Kanu Masala, his epithets, attributes and activities, Limba worship and worship methods, the Limba understanding of the spirit world, humankind, sin and salvation, and the roles of sacred specialists. The study concludes with an examination of the causes of the tenacious loyalty with which some Limba Christians hold to their traditional religious beliefs and practices, their reluctance to part with them, and the effects of their dual religiosity on the NPLC, as well as the church's response, and the resulting reciprocal effects over the past three decades in Sierra Leone. This study fills a gap in the extant literature about the ethno-theological landscape of Sierra Leone, and provides a detailed study on the intersection of African Traditional Religion and Christianity. / Systematic Theology & Theological Ethics / D.Th. (Systematic Theology)

This study is the product, chiefly, of fieldwork, undertaken in Sierra Leone, which sought to interview and experience contemporary Limba religio-cultural practices. Using a systematic approach, the goal was to provide a broader understanding of Limba religion, as well as to discover the effect of Limba religiosity, and the tenacity with which the Limba hold to their culture and religion, on the National Pentecostal Limba Church (NPLC) over the past three decades. The study begins with an introduction, which outlines its objectives and structure, the research methods, and its general outline. This is followed by a basic introduction to the socio-history of the Limba people, their origin, environment, language, politics, economy and other socio-cultural characteristics, in order to provide an understanding of the background on which their religion is formed. The heart of the study is a detailed examination of Limba religious beliefs and their intersection with Christianity. It includes a definition of Limba religion and its components. This seeks to identify the current state of Limba religion amidst the changes it has experienced and continues to experience as a result of internal and external influences, and to provide a template for this study, an analysis of the Limba belief in a supreme creator God whom they call Kanu Masala, his epithets, attributes and activities, Limba worship and worship methods, the Limba understanding of the spirit world, humankind, sin and salvation, and the roles of sacred specialists. The study concludes with an examination of the causes of the tenacious loyalty with which some Limba Christians hold to their traditional religious beliefs and practices, their reluctance to part with them, and the effects of their dual religiosity on the NPLC, as well as the church's response, and the resulting reciprocal effects over the past three decades in Sierra Leone. This study fills a gap in the extant literature about the ethno-theological landscape of Sierra Leone, and provides a detailed study on the intersection of African Traditional Religion and Christianity. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D.Th. (Systematic Theology)

This study which is the product of library research and fieldwork seeks, on account of the persistent marginalisation of African Traditional Religion (ATR) in Sierra Leone by Islam and Christianity, to investigate the place of ATR in inter-religious encounters in the country since the advent of Islam and Christianity. As in most of sub-Saharan Africa, ATR is the indigenous religion of Sierra Leone. When the early forebears and later progenitors of Islam and Christianity arrived, they met Sierra Leone indigenes with a remarkable knowledge of God and a structured religious system. Successive Muslim clerics, traders, and missionaries were respectful of and sensitive to the culture and religion of the indigenes who accommodated them and offered them hospitality. This approach resulted in a syncretistic brand of Islam. In contrast, most Christian missionaries adopted an exclusive and insensitive approach to African culture and religiosity. Christianity, especially Protestantism, demanded a complete abandonment of African culture and religion, and a total dedication to Christianity. This attitude has continued by some indigenous clerics and religious leaders to the extent that Sierra Leone Indigenous Religion (SLIR) and it practitioners continue to be marginalised in Sierra Leone's inter-religious dialogue and cooperation. Although the indigenes of Sierra Leone were and continue to be hospitable to Islam and Christianity, and in spite of the fact that SLIR shares affinity with Islam and Christianity in many theological and practical issues, and even though there are many Muslims and Christians who still hold on to traditional spirituality and culture, Muslim and Christian leaders of these immigrant religions are reluctant to include Traditionalists in interfaith issues in the country. The formation and constitution of the Inter-Religious Council of Sierra Leone (IRCSL) which has local and international recognition did not include ATR. These considerations, then beg the questions: * Why have Muslim and Christian leaders long marginalised ATR, its practices and practitioners from interfaith dialogue and cooperation in Sierra Leone? * What is lacking in ATR that continues to prevent practitioners of Christianity and Islam from officially involving Traditionalists in the socio-religious development of the country? Muslim and Christians have given several factors that are responsible for this exclusion: * The prejudices that they inherited from their forebears * ATR lacks the hallmarks of a true religion * ATR is primitive and economically weak * The fear that the accommodation of ATR will result in syncretism and nominalism * Muslims see no need to dialogue with ATR practitioners, most of whom they considered to be already Muslims Considering the commonalities ATR shares with Islam and Christianity, and the number of Muslims and Christians who still hold on to traditional spirituality, these factors are not justifiable. Although Islam and Christianity are finding it hard to recognise and include ATR in interfaith dialogue and cooperation in Sierra Leone, ATR continues to play a vital role in Sierra Leone's national politics, in the search and maintenance of employment, and in the judicial sector. ATR played a crucial part during and after the civil war. The national government in its Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) report acknowledged the importance and contribution of traditional culture and spirituality during and after the war. Outside of Sierra Leone, the progress in the place and level of the recognition of ATR continues. At varying degrees, the Sociétié Africaine de Culture (SAC) in France, the All Africa Conference of Churches (AACC), the Vatican, and the World Council of Churches, have taken positive steps to recognise and find a place for ATR in their structures. Much about the necessity for dialogue and cooperation with ATR can be learnt in the works and efforts of these secular and religious bodies. If nothing else, there are two main reasons why Islam and Christianity in Sierra Leone must be in dialogue with ATR: * Dialogue of life or in community. People living side-by-side meet and interact personally and communally on a regular basis. They share common resources and communal benefits. These factors compel people to be in dialogue * Dual religiosity. As many Muslims and Christians in Sierra Leone are still holding on to ATR practices, it is crucial for Muslims and Christians to dialogue with ATR practitioners. If Muslims and Christians are serious about meeting and starting a process of dialogue with Traditionalists, certain practical issues have to be considered: * Islam and Christianity have to validate and accept ATR as a true religion and a viable partner in the socio-religious landscape of Sierra Leone * Muslims and Christians must educate themselves about ATR, and the scriptures and teachings of their respective religious traditions in order to relate well with Traditionalists These are starting points that can produce successful results. Although at present Muslims and Christians in Sierra Leone are finding it difficult to initiate dialogue and cooperation with Traditionalists, all hope is not lost. It is now the task of the established IRCSL to ensure the inclusion of ATR. Islam and Christianity must remember that when they came as strangers, ATR, played host to them and has played and continues to play a vital role in providing hospitality, and allowing them to blossom on African soil. / Religious Studies and Arabic / D.Litt. et Phil. (Religious Studies)