Yes / With the social distancing measures implemented during Pandemic Covid 19, many peaceful assemblies have attempted to restructure, equip, and empower themselves creatively for online gathering. This incident emphasises the importance of digital tools, such as the Internet and ICTs, in exercising online rights to peaceful assembly and association. Given the above, this article attempts to deliberate on transforming rights to the peaceful assembly from offline to online and the legal challenges attached. The authors argue that the right to peaceful assembly and association is vital to ensuring enhanced transparency and accountability in implementing human rights policies within countries. / This research is financially supported under the fundamental national research grant No. FRGS/1/2020/SSI0/MSU/03/1bythe Ministry of Higher Education (MOHE) andManagement and Science University, Selangor, Malaysia.

"In 2001 after the 2000 election in Zanzibar, the Civic United Front (CUF) began planning a series of peaceful demonstrations to protest alleged fraud in the October 2000 presidential elections, calling for a rerun of the elections and constitutional reforms. The CUF notified the police of their intended routes, both the government officials and police immediately responded and announced that the demonstrations were banned. Police were ordered to use all force necessary to break up the demonstrations. The Tanzanian prime minister was recorded as stating that force would be used to break up the demonstration. According to him, "government has prepared itself in every way to confront whatever occurs ... any provocation will be met with all due forces of the state". CUF demonstrations, which were widely supported, took place on 27 January 2001 and as the unarmed demonstrators walked peacefully toward the four designated meeting grounds, security forces intercepted and opened fire without warning. They attacked the civilians, [and]ordered them to disperse [under] firing and beating. ... All these events occurred in the face of the fact that the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania (CURT) provides for freedom of assembly. The requirement of permits has been removed and section 40 of the Police Force Ordinance and 11(1) of the Political Parties Act were declared void on grounds that the requirement for a permit to hold an assembly infringed the freedom of peaceful assembly and procession enshrined in article 20(2) of the CURT. However the government limits these rights in practice, police have authority to deny permission to hold an assembly on public safety and security grounds. The relevant provision is section 41 of the Police Force Ordinance which permits any police officer to stop the holding of any assembly. The situation has not improved for opposition parties seeking to hold assemblies because of the way the police apply section 41. Rather than invoking this provision only in extraordinary situations as required, the police, once served with a notice of a planned meeting, issued prohibition orders claiming that they had information that the meeting was likely to cause chaos, but without giving evidence. ... These restrictions on the right to freedom of assembly and the excessive use of force by police officials as depicted in the above recounted incident and others of its kind, violate numerous provisions of international legal istruments to which Tanzania is a party. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) guarantees for the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association, as does the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). The African Charter limits the right to assemble subject to necessary restrictions provided by law, in particular those enacted in the interest of national security and the safety, health, ethics and the rights to freedoms of other. But the African Commission has interpreted these claw back clauses to mean that the limitations must be in accordance with international law and thus the standards developed under the ICCPR, especially, would be relevant in determining when the rights to assemble may be limited. The exercise here is to examine the nature of the Tanzanian laws on the right to peaceful assembly and demonstration in the light of police practice having regards to the nature of the right as guaranteed under international human rights instruments." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004. / Prepared under the supervision of Prof. K. Quashigah at the Faculty of Law, University of Ghana / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

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Darbe iškelta hipotezė, kad netradicinės seksualinės orientacijos asmenys turi taikių susirinkimų laisvę. Siekiant patvirtinti arba paneigti hipotezę, atlikta teorinė taikių susirinkimų laisvės ir seksualinės orientacijos koncepcijų analizė, nagrinėtos tarptautinės žmogaus teisių apsaugos dokumentų normos, reglamentuojančios taikių susirinkimų laisvę ir apžvelgtas šių normų aiškinimas teisminėje praktikoje. Apžvelgtas nediskriminacijos principo seksualinės orientacijos pagrindu įtvirtinimas tarptautinės žmogaus teisių apsaugos dokumentuose bei jo praktinio taikymo aspektas. Atlikta taikių susirinkimų laisvės ir nediskriminacijos principo seksualinės orientacijos pagrindu reglamentavimo apžvalga atskirų valstybių vidaus teisės aktuose. Analizuotos Lietuvos teisės aktų normos, reguliuojančios diskriminacijos seksualinės orientacijos pagrindu draudimą, pateikiami konkretūs pavyzdžiai bei aprašomas taikių susirinkimų laisvės reglamentavimas ir praktinis jos įgyvendinimas. / The hypothesis of the work is that the homosexuals have the freedom of peaceful assembly. The first part of the work describes the terms related to the freedom of peaceful assembly, the sorts of assemblies, main principles determining the proper regulation of this freedom and legal restrictions of the freedom of assembly. The aspects of sexual orientation are discussed and the brief history of homosexual movements is presented. The second part of the work analyzes the provisions of Universal Declaration of Human Rights, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, American Convention on Human Rights and African Charter on Human and People’s Rights, regulating the prohibition of discrimination and freedom of peaceful assembly. Also there are analyzed the primary and secondary legal acts of the European Union, which form the EU policy on the protection of human rights. The third part of the work is dedicated to the analysis of the national legal base of the United States of America, Canada, South African Republic, Finland and Poland, which regulate the freedom of peaceful assembly and protection of homosexuals. The last part of the work reviews the Lithuanian legal norms regulating the prohibition of the discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation, presents the concrete examples and describes the regulation of freedom of peaceful assembly and its practical implementation.

This is a case study aiming to clarify the potentially outdated focus on the populist features in modern populist parties. By analyzing the right-wing populist party of Fidesz and the left-wing populist party of Syriza the aim is to clarify whether populism as a feature is descriptive enough to illustrate these parties, regardless their ideological stance, or whether ideology should be taken more into account than it tends to do today. To do this, the policies of each party are mapped to distinguish populist similarities, despite their ideological disparity and their differences. The analysis is delimited by the three pillars of civil society: Freedom of Associations, Freedom of Peaceful Assemblies and Freedom of Expression, referred to as the three pillars of civil society. The study shows that the descriptiveness of Fidesz as a right-wing populist party is conformed. However, the policies of Syriza demonstrate a variation of partially right-wing and left-wing populism, but also tendencies of no populism at all in their foreign policies. The descriptiveness of contemporary left-wing populist parties in the case of Syriza is thereby questionable.