Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Pittsburgh, 2000. / Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 320-345). Also available via the Internet.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil-Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2007. / Thesis Advisor(s): Karen Guttieri. "March 2007." Includes bibliographical references (p. 99-103). Also available in print.

No description available.

Práce nejprve vymezuje oblast řešení konfliktů a operací na udržení míru a krizového managementu, a to prostřednictvím definic základních pojmů (bezpečnost, válka, mír, konflikt a peacekeeping), stručného pojetí oblasti ?řešení konfliktů?, jejich prevence a dále charakteristiky činností a role čtyř mezinárodních organizací (OSN, OBSE, EU a NATO) při zajišťování míru (včetně zmínky o přístupu Finska k těmto aktivitám). Dále následuje analýza finské bezpečnostní a zahraniční politiky a finských aktivit pro zajišťování míru pomocí oficiálních dokumentů finské vlády (příp. ministerstva zahraničí a obrany) a publikací finského Ústavu mezinárodních vztahů. Pozornost je věnována i činnostem Marttiho Ahtisaariho a severské spolupráci.

Titles: Power, Ideas, Identity: China's Growing Engagement in UN Peacekeeping Operations Abstract Since China's reform and opening-up, China has taken concrete steps to integrate into the international community. China's role and influence within the international organization are in the midst of an evolution. Before, China has remained outside and reluctant to join US-led international organizations, but nowadays, China becomes the firm upholder of current multilateral organizations. The UN Peacekeeping Operations provides a prominent example. China has earlier doubted the role of the UN and upholds strong opposition to PKOs. After China restored its legal seat in the UN in 1971, it took a wait-and-see attitude toward PKOs. In the late 1980s, with China's internal political and economic reform and changes in the international environment, China began to reconsider the UN's role in maintaining international peace and security. Subsequently, China gradually supported and took part in PKOs. Since the twenty-first century, China has been even more committed to peacekeeping. This thesis attempts to identify the key factors motivating China's active engagement in PKOs in the 21st century. This thesis figures out three factors are power, ideas, and identity. On the role of power, this thesis adopts a rationalist...

The answer to if peacekeeping is successful or not is still debated. The focus has mostly been on internal characteristics of peacekeeping missions. While external factors, have been largely overlooked. This thesis aims to explore the effects external involvement in intrastate conflicts may have on the success of peacekeeping deployment. It poses the following research question: how does foreign state sponsorship to rebel groups affect the success of peacekeeping operations? The main argument made is that the causal mechanisms presented for why peacekeeping operations are effective, do not have an effect on the sponsors and their incentive to stop fighting. Hence, it is hypothesized that peacekeeping operations are less effective in decreasing the duration of intrastate armed conflict when rebel groups are sponsored by foreign states. The argument is tested using a discrete-time survival analysis and Cox proportional hazard models on all intrastate conflicts between 1970-2017, and foreign state sponsorship is treated as an interaction effect. The findings did not support the hypothesis but rather suggest that the presence of peacekeepers has a dominant positive conflict-intensity reducing effect. These results scratch the surface of what the effects external involvement may have on peacekeeping success and indicate that peacekeeping is successfully undermining sponsorship.

The thesis deals with evaluation of missions lead by regional and sub-regional organizations in Africa, compared with the UN mission. Work includes a brief summary of the status of regional organizations in the UN system, as well as security authorities of ECOWAS and the AU. Continues a brief summary of the evolution of peacekeeping according to the chronological approach of the United Nations. Shortly also deals with regional organizations and their documents relating to security. Briefly presents the evaluation framework of peacekeeping missions by Diehl and Druckman and basic questions and criteria imposed in almost all peacekeeping operations. The core work then consists of a brief presentation of the background of conflicts in selected missions, their mandate and the analysis of their success on the basis of the above evaluation framework. Mission success for comparison are ECOMICI, led by ECOWAS, AMIS, which was led by the African Union and MONUC, as the representative of the UN-led mission. The conclusion includes the missions commparison and identifiaction of their problems or achievements. Keywords Peacekeeping, AMIS, ECOMICI, MONUC, evaluation

Thesis (M.M. (Security))--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, Graduate School of Public and Development Management, 2012. / This paper assesses the role of South Africa in the Burundian conflict between1999- 2004. This paper analyses the role of Third Party intervention and the role played by the international community in resolving the Burundian civil war. The main purpose of this research paper is to investigate the role played by external actors in African civil conflicts and in this case, specifically looking at South Africa’s leading and challenging role in resolving the civil conflict in Burundi. The research design that has been followed in this paper was a qualitative approach. This approach was utilised to collect information which is sensitive in nature so as to explain the circumstances surrounding the conflict and the resolution thereof. The information was then collected and then analysed to provide a qualitative explanation of the events that had occurred and issues surrounding Third Party intervention. Respondents were informed that their confidentiality of the interviews would be respected. This investigation was guided by assessing South Africa’s efforts in the management and facilitation of the peace process in Burundi in partnership with key external parties such as the UN, AU and Regional Initiative for Peace in Burundi. An assessment was also conducted around the limitations and the level of success encountered by South Africa’s involvement in pursuit of diplomatic, political and military initiatives. In the literature survey, conflict resolution, mediation and Third Party intervention forms the framework of this research paper. This paper proves that South Africa played an instrumental part in the Burundi civil conflict, in which their participation, be it foreign policy initiatives, diplomatic efforts and military power or the central mediation role by South African president Nelson Mandela. This paper discusses that the Burundi conflict did not occur simply due to the animosity that existed between ethnic groups however this was a large contributing factor and the struggle for political power explains the root cause to the Burundi civil conflict and the manner in which politicians manipulated ethnicity, past injustices and policies of divide and rule as mechanisms and tools to gain power thus ensuring economic advantage at the expense of others.

No / The article is organized into two main parts. First, it presents the termination of the conflict in Sierra Leone as a case-study to examine the degree to which cosmopolitan values connecting peacekeeping and peacebuilding are (or are not) evident. The case-study looks at the United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL) as a model of successful peacekeeping in the sense that everyday security was provided for the people of Sierra Leone through the deployment of a robust peacekeeping mission. This assessment needs to be qualified in relation to serious deficits still to be addressed in post-conflict peacebuilding, yet the success of this mission does provide encouragement for those who see the construction of a cosmopolitan security architecture for Africa as both desirable and achievable. Second, it explores the degree to which an appropriate model of cosmopolitan peacekeeping might emerge at regional and continental levels in Africa through the development of the African Standby Force (ASF). What the case-study presented here and the survey of the African Union (AU)/ASF in the second part of the article have in common is that taken together, they provide some evidence to suggest that, however fragile, the AU is beginning to define an agenda that represents a continent wide and, in that sense at least, a cosmopolitan response to African security issues.

No / Much of the scholarly literature on peacekeeping focuses on particular peacekeeping operations, or on the political bargaining between peacekeeping participants at both the institutional and national levels. However, there is very little published research on why nations commit forces to peacekeeping operations. As Sandra Whitworth noted in a book review of six books on peacekeeping in the "International Journal," "t"he important political questions thus far have not been asked: who benefits, who pays, and who is excluded?." "This book addresses that need. The authors focus specifically on the political and economic motivations that influence the decision to participate in peacekeeping. They consider how definitions of national interest frame the political debate, and what the reasons are for the military support or opposition for peacekeeping operations. They also explore the role of inter-agency politics, the role of public opinion in peacekeeping decisions, and the influence of pressure from other nations and non-nation actors to commit peacekeeping forces. Each chapter includes several recent cases of national peacekeeping to illustrate how national political debates framed their country's political decisions on the commitment of peacekeeping forces. The countries chosen for analysis are Australia, Argentina, the United Kingdom, Germany, France, the United States, Nigeria, Canada, India, and Austria.