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Magister Legum - LLM / This research paper focuses on the legal protection of humanitarian workers. It refers to the experience of governmental organizations with a humanitarian vocation, and international humanitarian organizations, such as, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), active in more than 80 countries. The ICRC was created in order provide assistance and protection to wounded combatants,11 but its activity has gradually extended to include prisoners of war and civilians, territories. Also Medecin Sans Frontiere (MSF), functioning in more than 70 countries, was established to provide medical assistance to victims of conflicts or natural and other disasters. / South Africa

The UN, being a non-profit organization, has limited experience in and use of outsourcing criteria developed for commercial enterprises and therefore does not have the criteria to judge its outsourcing decisions. The UN’s experience in outsourcing, for example, is mainly limited to peacekeeping. The objective of the thesis is to translate the private sector’s extensive outsourcing experience into an outsourcing scorecard for the UN from criteria identified in the research. Forty national and international organizations were surveyed: fifteen third party logistics service providers; fifteen private sector manufacturing forms and ten UN peacekeeping missions. The survey was carried out through telephone interviews and written questionnaires. Purposive sampling, a non-probability sampling method, was used to ensure equal representation. A correlational study was adopted as the appropriate research method since there is a requirement to fully analyse all outsourcing trends, associations and relationships between the groups. In the statistical analysis, the Fisher’s Exact test was used to report for all variables for purposes of uniformity. Risks, the establishment of goals and objectives, barriers to outsourcing, the use of experts, benchmarks and the evaluation of a service provider’s performance are indicated as important criteria for developing an outsourcing relationship, as is the establishment of appropriate policies and procedures. The thesis further indicates that service provider selection is influenced by criteria such as operational excellence and reputation, strategic direction and compatibility, financial stability, costs and political considerations. Another criterion indicated as important is peace-building, suitable for humanitarian organizations. It was also ascertained that although the cost of a provider is important, cost should be considered in the light of satisfaction of the criteria outlined earlier as well as on efficiency and effectiveness. These criteria identified by the research form the basis for development of the decision-making scorecard. In the broad based scorecard for the UN, each scorecard theme is expanded to encompass additional requirements for the UN and similar organizations. Therefore, the institutional settings of the organization, risks, goals and objectives are expanded. Provider selection is added to the traditional theme and the evaluation criteria strengthened to include peace-building measures. This effort supplements and ensures completeness of the scorecard for the purpose of the UN. Though the outsourcing scorecard model has not been tested, it is a modification of an existing model and is based on the unique nature of the UN as well as feedback received from questionnaires and interviews. Additionally, the fundamental assumptions and postulates of the existing model have not been altered. The thesis presents the first large-scale survey of outsourcing criteria applicable to the UN and develops the first outsourcing scorecard to guide the UN and similar organizations in identifying services that can be outsourced successfully. The scorecard could provide the UN with a number of benefits, such as maximization of efficiency and savings in costs. Additionally, it provides recommendations on improving the effectiveness and efficiency of UN peacekeeping operations. / Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Construction Economics / unrestricted

The eastern part of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has been described as the ‘rape capital of the world’ due to the severity and brutality of sexual violence that Congolese women experience. Sexual violence as a weapon of war in conflict-torn areas takes the form of rape, sexual slavery and the insertion of objects into cavities (such as knives, rifle barrels, pieces of glass, sticks, wood, bottles and pestles coated in chili pepper). It predominantly targets girls as young as two years old and women as old as eighty years old. Perpetrators of such illegal and immoral acts of violence in eastern DRC (North Kivu and South Kivu provinces) include members of the national army, members of rebel groups and United Nations Peacekeeping personnel. Congolese women’s rights are constantly undermined and violated. This is despite the country’s legal obligations to protect Congolese women through its ratification of a number of international and regional conventions and treaties which promote the rights of women and prohibit sexual violence. The Congolese Constitution contains provisions aimed at promoting and protecting women’s rights, including the protection of women against sexual violence. Despite various pieces of legislation and calls by human rights activists to halt acts of sexual violence, Congolese women continue to face unwanted pregnancies, abortions, sexually transmitted diseases, HIV/AIDS, destroyed reproductive organs, injuries and even death. Sexual violence continues unabated in eastern DRC as a tactic used by various armed groups to terrorise and control the population living in conflict-torn eastern DRC. This mini-dissertation is a cry for justice in that it highlights sexual violence crimes and other human rights abuses faced by women in eastern DRC and calls for perpetrators to be held accountable. / Mini Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2017. / Centre for Human Rights / MPhil / Unrestricted

There is an incredible plethora of research studies on Peace Operations, Peacebuilding, and Statebuilding Studies; however, the literature on the deployment of neighbouring forces in peacekeeping operations has not been as broad as in-depth as other studies. This thesis aims to contribute to intervention theories, especially when the neighbouring countries play a specific part. Thus, the thesis aims at closing specific theoretical and empirical gaps. In so doing, this thesis looks momentarily at the roles played by the colonial past's effects at the birth of the Somali state. However, the thesis compounds' main theoretical focus on examining the concept of peace and conflict theories and empirically analysing regional interventions, particularly Kenya's intervention into Somalia militarily and the UN adaptation of resolution 2036(2012) and its impact on Somalia’s peacebuilding and statebuilding efforts.

Ending civilian victimization has become a primary purpose for third-party intervening actors as the brutal violence i contemporary conflicts increasingly affects the civilian population. To mitigate the violence, third-party actors use conflict management tools such as mediation and peacekeeping. Previous research has excessively examined these tools in isolation from one another, however, their combined effect has been neglected. In seeking to explore further pathways to combat violence against, this study examines the combined effectiveness of peacekeeping and mediation. I argue that peacekeeping and mediation interact, enhancing the violence-reducing effect of the other, which creates a stronger reduction effect on violence against civilians. Using monthly data counting civilian casualties in all African intrastate conflicts between 1993-2007, I find that mediation and peacekeeping have an interactive effect on violence against civilians, which is both reducing and stronger in comparison to the independent effect of these tools. The theoretical implications extend to UN troops and UN police. However, they are not applicable for UN observers and non-UN troops. Additional implications of the findings indicate that mediation should be present as a conflict management tool first after a large size of UN troops or UN police forces are deployed to most effectively reduce the levels of violence against civilians in conflict.

Following the mid 1990s, a drop in Swedish contributions to UN led peacekeeping have been evident and EU and NATO led operations have taken preference. However, in 2013 Sweden invested in a substantial troop contribution to a UN led peacekeeping operation in Mali. There is a lack of existing sources providing arguments for this sudden increase of support to a UN peacekeeping operation. This thesis looks at governmental documents and declarations of Sweden in order to find an understanding of why Sweden decided to contribute to the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilisation Mission (MINUSMA) in Mali in 2013. In light of the past trends of increased focus towards operations led by NATO or the EU, this research was interested in what motivated Sweden to implement a substantial troop contribution to an UN led operation. Through tracing the arguments used by the Swedish government regarding their involvement in Mali and looking at core concepts of rational choice to find if the decision was rational.

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Management in Security, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2017 / In 2013, the South African delegation to the African Union (AU) vigorously lobbied other AU Member States to urgently establish the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Conflict (ACIRC) Brigade. South Africa argued that the continent needed a rapid deployment force to respond quickly to conflicts. Amongst others, the ACIRC will intervene in stabilisation, peace enforcement and intervention missions, the neutralisation of terrorist groups, and attacks on legitimate governments. The decision to establish the ACIRC was a response to the M23 occupation of Goma and French intervention to assist the Malian government, which was under attack from Tuareg separatists and other Islamic fundamentalist groups. Critics of the ACIRC mechanism argue that it goes against the principles of peacekeeping and is an indication that South Africa is advocating for a departure from pacifist to robust military intervention. From South Africa’s perspective, the ACIRC Brigade is intended to fill the security gap left by the African Standby Force. This research study argues that the ACIRC is not an indicator that South Africa is advocating for a departure from pacifist to robust military intervention when resolving conflict in Africa. Instead, the ACIRC mechanism, like the Force Intervention Brigade and the French army intervention in the Democratic Republic of Congo and Mali respectively, will provide the AU with a quick response mechanism for conflict. The robustness of response will be determined by the threat at the tactical level of military operation. As such, the deployment of the ACIRC Brigade will still be guided by the principles of peacekeeping as laid out in the UN Charter and Article 4(h) of the AU Constitutive Act. In this respect, post-apartheid South Africa has played a leading role in resolving conflicts in Africa. Those who subscribe to realism argue that South Africa participates in peace missions for its own self-benefit. They argue that its participation in peace missions will increase its global stature and improve its credibility in its quest to become a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. On the other hand, idealists argue that South Africa’s participation in peace missions is inspired by the principles of ubuntu and altruism. This research study argues that both the realist and the idealist arguments are credible when assessing South Africa’s participation in peace missions in Africa. However, Precious Pakamile Hlungwani 775032 iii notwithstanding the credibility of both arguments, there is more evidence to support the realist view on South Africa’s participation in peace missions. / GR2019

No / Recognising the failure of both internal and external parties to achieve a peaceful resolution of the Russo - Chechen war, this article seeks to establish what scope remains for international involvement to end the violence in Chechnya. By applying theories from the disciplines of conflict resolution and counterinsurgency to the confrontation, distinctions are drawn between opportunities of peacekeeping, peacemaking and peacebuilding, as well as between legitimate 'need' and exploitative 'greed' at a time of 'violent' politics. Key findings include the scope for international assistance in addressing the root contradictions of the conflict and for curtailing the influence of the 'entrepreneurs of violence'.

Yes / This paper sums up the findings from the first comprehensive study on the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara. This research project explores the possibilities of using a Foucualtian analysis to look at the links between peacekeeping practice and Western policies of conflict containment in the Western Sahara with a view to enhancing UN conflict resolution capabilities.