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En esta tesis se realiza un estudio comparativo de la evolución ideológica y la práctica política de las derechas en Barakaldo (Vizcaya) y Vilanova i la Geltrú (Barcelona). El estudio arranca de 1898 y aborda el surgimiento de las propuestas nacionalistas. Estas nuevas propuestas operaban en un ámbito más amplio de convergencia de derechas delimitado por la desconfianza ante el desarrollo del liberalismo político. Nacionalistas y catalanistas se integraron a escala local en un frente común con el resto de las derechas contra las izquierdas.A partir de 1917 se abrió un complejo periodo de mutaciones en el seno de estos movimientos protagonizado por los nuevos sectores movilizados. Estos desarrollos dieron lugar a una ruptura de las derechas en dos bloques: nacionalistas y catalanistas, de un lado, y sectores que se fueron definiendo progresivamente, y por reacción, como españolistas, de otro.La Dictadura de Primo se apoyó en estos sectores. En Barakaldo consiguió estabilizar la política local en torno a la derecha no nacionalista. En Vilanova, por el contrario, la inestabilidad presidió el periodo.En la República, las derechas nacionalistas y catalanistas perdieron el monopolio de la apelación nacional ante los nuevos catalanistas y nacionalistas aliados con las izquierdas. Tras un repliegue inicial sobre los valores básicos comunes a las derechas, nacionalistas ortodoxos y catalanistas conservadores centraron sus esfuerzos en la reorganización y expansión de sus bases. Sin embargo, la diferente naturaleza de ambos movimientos acabó por determinar evoluciones divergentes. El carácter interclasista de sus bases permitió al nacionalismo vasco adaptarse a las coyunturas y posibilitó que nuevos objetivos presidieran su estrategia. De esta manera, el nacionalismo vasco ortodoxo se fue desplazando hacia el centro político, llegando en Barakaldo a subordinar al resto de las derechas.La evolución en Vilanova fue la contraria. El tradicional papel de representante de los sectores dominantes hizo que el catalanismo conservador se viera arrastrado por el pánico de sus acomodadas bases sociales. La derecha catalanista radicalizó sus posturas a partir de octubre de 1934 y acabó relativizando el catalanismo en favor de una rectificación autoritaria de la situación. Esta evolución divergente quedó sellada cuando nacionalistas vascos y Catalanistas conservadores optaron por bandos diferentes en la guerra civil.En el franquismo se analizan dos modelos de funcionamiento político diferenciados. En Barakaldo, el poder local se reconstituyó sobre la derecha no nacionalista, concretamente sobre los carlistas que monopolizaron el poder durante casi 20 años liderados por José M. Llaneza. La derecha nacionalista fue marginada del poder y prácticamente del espacio público. Esta política implicó una apertura social en la configuración del personal político hacia sectores de escasa significación social que compartían los principios ideológicos de la ultraderecha españolista. Estos sectores delimitaron una relativa base social sobre la que erigir el sistema de elecciones por tercios.Por el contario, en Vilanova el franquismo daba cuenta de una victoria social que restauraba en el poder a los sectores amenazados por el reformismo republicano. En la medida en que la adscripción de estos grupos había sido catalanista, la derecha tradicional se aprestó a ocupar posiciones en las nuevas estructuras de poder, aunque tuvo que aceptar su subordinación a la derecha españolista que había ganado políticamente la guerra. La larga alcaldía de Antonio Ferrer Pi ilustra el éxito de esta fórmula integradora. El modelo vilanovés consiguió desactivar incluso las disensiones que se derivaban de las fidelidades culturales y simbólicas catalanistas de la derecha tradicional. Un renovado vilanovismo fue desplazando las estridencias ultra-españolistas y falangistas del régimen en favor de la afirmación de los valores básicos que cimentaban el consenso franquista en Vilanova. / This doctoral thesis presents a comparative study of the ideological evolution and political praxis of the sectors in the right at Barakaldo (Vizcaya) and Vilanova i la Geltrú (Barcelona). The study starts at 1898 and focuses on the rise of nationalist proposals which responded widely to the common concerns of the right about the growth of political liberalism. Basque nationalists and Catalanists joined at a local level into coalitions with the whole right against the left. The pressure from new mobilised sectors brought about a complex period of mutations inside these groups by 1917. This development caused the division of the right into two factions: nationalists and Catalanists, on one side, and sectors which were getting progressively, an by reaction, defined as Españolistas, on the other. Primo's Dictatorship leaned on these sectors. At Barakaldo he achieved the permanence of local politics around the non nationalist right. At Vilanova, on the contrary, instability presided the period. During the Second Republic, the right of Basque nationalist and Catalanist forces lost their former monopoly over national demands in its opposition to the new Catalanists and nationalists allied with the left. After their first withdrawal on common basic values of the right, the orthodox nationalist and conservative Catalanists focused on reorganising and expanding their basis. However, the different nature of both movements fostered divergent evolutions. The interclassist character of its basis allowed the orthodox Basque nationalism to adapt itself to particular situations and supervise their strategies according to new aims. Thus, the orthodox Basque nationalism was shifting towards the political centre, and achieving the dominion over the rest of the right at Barakaldo.Vilanova's evolution was quite the contrary. In its traditional role as representative of the dominant elites, conservative catalanism here was dragged to the general panic that affected its well off social basis. The Catalanist right made its positions radical since October 1934 and ended up changing relativist positions of catalanism. These radically shifted towards acquiescence in authoritarian rectification of the situation. This divergent evolution was further confirmed when orthodox Basque nationalists and conservative Catalanists opted for opposite factions at the Civil War.Two different political models coexisting under Franco's regime are analysed as well. At Barakaldo, the local power of the right was rebuilt and rested on non nationalist grounds, specifically on carlists which held the monopoly of power for almost 20 years led by José M. Llaneza. The nationalist right, instead, was segregated from power and actually from any public space. This constrained model implied consequently the aperture to social sectors of small significance which shared ultra-right's ideological principles. These contributed to the establishment of a relative social basis for the system of election by thirds. On the contrary, at Vilanova Francoism's social victory restored sectors previously threatened by republican reformism. Since these groups had been Catalanists, the traditional right hastened to take positions in the new power structures, although at the cost of accepting subordination to the Españolista right which had won the war. The fact that Antonio Ferrer Pi was a major for such a long period of time illustrates the success of this integrated formula.Vilanova's political model even achieved the deterrence of conflicts deriving from Catalanist cultural and symbolic loyalties in the traditional right. Renewed vilanovism hushed the stridency coming from the ultra-españolismo and falangist regime in favor of the affirmation of basic values which laid the foundations for the consensus over Francoism at Vilanova.

Text bilíngüe, castellà-anglès, en dues columnes per pàgina / Shanghái es una ciudad que desde el comienzo de su historia urbana contemporánea se ha desarrollado en base a la construcción de vivienda masiva. Desde sus primeros modelos, que le dieron su identidad, denominados lilong, pasando por su etapa comunista, hasta los bloques contemporáneos incluidos en las denominadas comunidades cerradas. Este trabajo analiza los cuatro tipos de vivienda masiva existentes en la ciudad, describiéndolos desde su contexto histórico, cultural, social y arquitectónico, para posteriormente exponer dos tesis, una primera que busca mostrar la vigencia de cada uno de los modelos existentes en la amalgama urbana que supone la Shanghái actual y otra que trata de demostrar que las tipologías de vivienda que hoy día están siendo construídas son herencia directa del Movimiento Moderno. / Shanghai is a city that since the beginning of its contemporary urban history has been developed based on mass housing construction. Since its first models, which gave its identity, called lilong, through the Communist era to contemporary blocks included in the so-called gated communities. This paper analyzes the four existing typologies of mass housing in the city, describing from its historical, cultural, social and architectural context, subsequently to expose two theses, the first that aims to show the validity of each of the existing models in urban amalgam is the current Shanghai and another that tries to show that the typologies of housing that are being built today are direct inheritance of Modernism.

Aquest treball planteja múltiples objectius generals, que podem agrupar en dos grans blocs: en primer lloc, l’estudi històric d’un àmbit espacial concret -la circumscripció de Ṭurṭūša- durant un lapse cronològic determinat -el trànsit entre l’Antiguitat i el Món Islàmic-, en el qual integrarem totes les fonts històriques al nostre abast i, d'altra banda, l’anàlisi d’una dinàmica social com el procés d’islamització a través de les diverses informacions històriques elaborades durant la realització d'aquesta recerca. Per últim, destaquem també com a un element renovador i remarcable el desenvolupament de noves metodologies i aproximacions per a l’estudi d’aquest procés a partir de l’Anàlisi Espacial i de les diverses eines geoestadístiques que ens proporciona la Geografia Quantitativa. A nivell de continguts, podem dividir aquest treball en tres parts clarament diferenciades: una primera, amb el nom genèric de Context de la Recerca (Bloc I), on s'han plantejat els principals eixos teòrics en què basem les nostres aportacions, un primer estat de la qüestió, general i concret, dels treballs previs i una descripció general del territori d'estudi; en segon lloc, hem plantejat sota el nom De l'estudi de l'observable a l'articulació d'informacions històriques (Blocs II, III i IV) tot el procés que hem seguit per obtenir les dades amb què hem realitzat aquesta recerca, i com a partir d'elles hem construït una sèrie de subjectes històrics i elements d'anàlisi a través de diverses òptiques i metodologies; finalment, la part tercera, anomenada La construcció del discurs històric: dinàmiques de transformació social (Blocs V i VI), aborda les diverses qüestions de major transcendència, des del nostre punt de vista, als debats historiogràfics actuals, tot transformant les informacions històriques obtingudes en una anàlisi detallada de les transformacions socials del territori tortosí, en particular, i peninsular, en general. Així, la recerca que ara presentem ha permès aportar un vast conjunt de noves dades i informacions sobre aquest territori, al mateix temps que ens oferia la possibilitat de plantejar una sèrie de qüestions històriques que ens semblen cabdals en l'actual debat historiogràfic sobre la formació de la societat andalusina. El fil conductor ha estat en tot cas aquest mateix procés de transformació històrica inherent a l'estudi de qualsevol societat pretèrita, pel que sempre que ha estat possible hem tractat de mostrar una imatge diversificada i en constant canvi. La societat d'al-Andalus és un subjecte històric ple de matisos i especificitats en els seus casos d'estudi, això no obstant, pensem que s'han pogut establir fefaentment una sèrie de dinàmiques comunes que poden ajudar a entendre tant el passat del nostre territori específic de treball com del conjunt de l'Estat andalusí en si mateix. / The present work proposes a number of general objectives that can be grouped together in two blocks: in the first place, the historical study of an specific spatial area –the Ṭurṭūša circumscription- during a given chronological lapse –the transition from Antiquity to the Islamic World-, into which all historical sources that we have at our disposal will be incorporated. Secondly, the social dynamics analysis, the islamization process in this case, by using several historical pieces of information that were elaborated through our research. Finally, it is relevant to highlight as an innovative element the development of new methodologies and approaches applied to the study of this process, based on Spatial Analysis and the different geostatistical tools that Quantitative Geography provides us with. Concerning the contents, this work could be divided into three different parts: a first one -with generic title Research Context (Block 1)- , where theoretical core ideas that we base on are exposed, and where a general and specific overview of previous works and description of the territory studied can be found. Secondly, we have named From the Study of the Observable to the Articulation of Historical Information (Blocks II, III and IV) the process we have carried out in order to obstain a data set for this research, and the way they are used to build a number of historical subjects and analytical elements through different points of view and methodologies. Finally, the third part, named Construction of the Historical Discourse, : social transformation dynamics (Blocks V and VI), tackles the most relevant issues of historiographical debates nowadays, and turning those pieces of historical information obtained into a comprehensive analysis of social transformations in the area of Tortosa, specifically, and the Iberian area, in general. This is how the present piece of research has enabled us to present an extensive amount of new data and information on the territory, as well as to give us the opportunity to propose historical issues that we consider to be fundamental in current historiographical debates that focus on the origin of Andalusian society. Anyways, the guiding thread has been the historical transformation process that is inherent to the study of any past society, and that is the reason why we have made great efforts to show a diversificated and changing image. Even if the society of Al-Andalus is a historical subject full of shades and distinctive features concerning each study case, we think that a series of common dynamics has been established, that are of great value in understanding both the past of our specific territory here analyzed and the Andalusian State as a whole.

La presente tesis doctoral propone un análisis de los orígenes de uno de los movimientos reformistas franquistas liderados por Manuel Fraga Iribarne, que acabarían constituyendo la plataforma neofranquista de Alianza Popular (AP) en octubre de 1976. En este sentido, el objetivo de la presente investigación se focaliza en comprender la anomalía de la derecha española y del sistema político español en su conjunto, considerando que se trata del único país occidental europeo en el que, el partido vertebrador de la derecha procede de la extrema derecha. Entendemos por ésta una Alianza Popular cuyo signo de identidad fundamental, cuya percepción por la opinión de 1976 y los electores de 1977, fue la lealtad a la obra del régimen de Franco y la reticencia a abrir un periodo constituyente que llegara a deslegitimar la dictadura y a establecer, como valores propios de la España constitucional, los de la democracia vigente en la Europa posterior a la II Guerra Mundial y no los de la simple apertura realizada y controlada por un régimen autoritario. El cuerpo central de la investigación se enmarca en el surgimiento de AP como consecuencia de la división del reformismo franquista, a partir del fracaso del primer gobierno de la monarquía (diciembre de 1975-julio de 1976), y por la integración coherente hacia posiciones englobadas en la extrema derecha neofranquista de su líder, Manuel Fraga -desplazamiento en el que resultó fundamental la captura del gobierno por el reformismo «suarista» que desembocó en la Unión de Centro Democrático (UCD)-. A ello también habría que añadirle el nacimiento de la plataforma aliancista como un proceso de confluencia de diversos proyectos reformistas limitados e institucionalizados que tenían su origen en el marco asociativo nacido en las estructuras del Movimiento Nacional de 1974-1975, los cuales han sido infravalorados en los estudios sobre AP. Asimismo, queremos enfatizar los campos y procesos político-sociales que provocaron la transformación de la plataforma aliancista de origen neofranquista en una fuerza de carácter liberal-conservador, en aras del pragmatismo político y de la supervivencia política, delimitada por el acatamiento -a regañadientes- y la participación crítica en el proceso constitucional que acabaría canalizado en la Constitución de 1978. Este proceso «evolutivo» está determinado por el alejamiento de sus orígenes, enmarcados en la extrema derecha neofranquista «evolutiva» -en tanto que evolutiva del régimen- y «anticonstitucionalista» -en tanto que contraria a un proceso constituyente-, y su consolidación como fuerza englobada en la derecha extrema «constitucionalista» y posteriormente como manifestación de una derecha de carácter liberal-conservadora. En este sentido, planteamos la necesidad de entender la evolución de la extrema derecha neofranquista de carácter nacional-populista -AP- como eje a tener en cuenta, cuando pretendamos interpretar y analizar la construcción de la democracia española, así como para llegar a contextualizar las características culturales autoritarias y antidemocráticas de la actual derecha española -nacida de una parte del reformismo franquista-. Se trata, en definitiva, de apuntar aquí, en el examen del proceso de su formación, los fundamentos de la peculiaridad de la derecha española, más allá de los elementos coyunturales -entre los que, sin duda, se encuentra el endurecimiento de las posiciones generales del conservadurismo desde comienzos del siglo XXI-, para considerar la lejanía de la cultura política conservadora española con respecto a sus homólogos europeos. / This thesis proposes an analysis of the origins of one of the Francoist reformist movements led by Manuel Fraga Iribarne, who would end up forming the neofranquista platform of the Popular Alliance (AP) in October 1976. In this regard, the objective of the present research focuses on understanding the anomaly of the Spanish Right and the Spanish political system as a whole, taking into consideration the fact that it is the only Western European country where the Right Party comes from the Far Right by means of unification process. We are referring to a Popular Alliance whose sign of fundamental identity, according to the opinion and perception of voters in 1976 and 1977, was loyalty to the work of the Franco's regime and the reluctance to open a constituent period which came to delegitimize the dictatorship and to establish in the constitutional Spain those eigenvalues of democracy that could be found in the post World War II Europe - not just the simple opening made and controlled by an authoritarian regime -. The central body of research is set in the emergence of AP as a consequence of the division of Franco's reformism, partly due to the failure of the first Government of the monarchy (December 1975 - July 1976), and to the coherent integration into positions included in the Neofranquist Far Right of its leader, Manuel Fraga - displacement in which the capture of the Government by the «suarista» reformism was fundamental and which resulted in the Union of the Democratic Centre (UCD)-. It is also necessary to mention the birth of the "plataforma aliancista" as a process of confluence of various limited and institutionalized reformist projects which had their origin in the associative framework born within the structures of the national movement of 1974-1975 and which have been overlooked in studies of AP. We also want to emphasize the fields and socio-political processes that led to the transformation of the "plataforma aliancista" of Neofranquist origin into a force of liberal-conservative character for the sake of political pragmatism and political survival, bounded by a reluctant compliance and critical participation in the constitutional process which was channeled in the 1978 Constitution. This 'evolutionary' process is determined by the distance from their origins, framed in the evolutionary and anticonstitucionalist Neofranquist Extreme Right - in so far as evoluting from de regime and as contrary to a constituent process - as well as by its consolidation as a force within the "Constitutionalist" Extrem Right and later as a manifestation of a right wing conservative-liberal character. On this subject, we propose the need to understand the evolution of the neofranquist far right which has a nacional-populist trend -AP- as an axis to take into account when we try to interpret and analyze the construction of Spanish Democracy as well as to contextualize the authoritarian and anti-democratic cultural characteristics of current Spanish Right, which was born within one branch of Franco's reformism. In short, the aim is to point out here, in the review of the process of its formation, the foundations -beyond any cyclical elements- of the peculiarity of the Spanish Right -amongst which we have undoubtedly been able to notice the hardening of the general positions of conservatism since the beginning of the 21st century- in order to consider the far distance existing between both the Spanish conservative political class and their European counterparts.

This is a study to see the relationship between earnings per share and dividends during a period of both boom and depression. The study will focus on companies listed on Stockholm stock exchange and see if they follow theories from the past and if the dividend is smooth over times with a fluctuant economy. To see this we had this problem: Is it a relationship between earnings per share and dividend during a fluctuant economy, also if there is a difference between the different Caps on Stockholm stock exchange? We studied 163 stocks of the 293 listed stock on Stockholm stock exchange during a period of 8 years. The study is focused on the time period between year 2005 and year 2012. We used IBM SPSS statistics to see the correlation and regression between earnings per share and dividend and analysed that. We used Microsoft Excel to make graphs and analysed them. The study didn’t find any strong relationship between earnings per share and dividend. The strongest connection we found was for companies listed on Small Cap where the correlation was 0,461. The weakest connection that was found was for companies listed as Mid Cap where the correlation was 0,211. For companies listed as Large Cap the correlation was 0,283.

En esta tesis se aborda un tema en el área de Historia Política y Social comparada: las políticas sociales desarrolladas por Salazar y Franco entre 1933 y 1957. En el momento en que la Europa discute su nueva postura hacia el apellidado «modelo social europeo», investigar sobre los fundamentos de la seguridad social se hace muy relevante, pues permite conocer mejor los cambios profundos que si están verificando. Además, el conocimiento sobre los regímenes dictatoriales que en España y en Portugal existieron hasta mediados de los años 70 sigue siendo muy buscado por las sociedades. En el primer capítulo se dedica al contexto político-ideológico de las dictaduras ibéricas, analizando, asimismo, los antecedentes históricos de las políticas sociales en España y Portugal. En el capítulo dos, se examinan las condiciones que marcaron la estructuración de este tipo de políticas sociales en los "Nuevos Estados", con especial atención a las decisiones en el ámbito de la previsión social y la asistencia social. La última parte de la tesis, el capítulo 3, se centra en el discurso político. En particular, en el discurso social de los principales intervinientes políticos, y también en la identificación de los principales vectores discursivos y retóricos que el poder político utilizaba. La utilización de la política social, especialmente en la España franquista, como mecanismo de control social merecerá relieve. El tema desarrollado en la tesis se presenta con un gran potencial de exploración y, en consecuencia, de la producción de nuevos conocimientos. / This thesis addresses an issue in the area of Comparative Social and Political History: social policies developed by Salazar and Franco between 1933 and 1957. At the present day, when Europe discusses hers new stance toward the so-called “European social model”, the research on the foundations of social security is very important, because it allows us better to understand the profound changes that are happening. In addition, the knowledge about the spanish and portuguese dictatorial regimes is still highly sought after by the people. The first chapter is devoted to the political and ideological context of Iberian dictatorships, analyzing also the historical background of social policies in Spain and Portugal. In the second chapter, we examine the conditions that marked the structuring of such social policies in the "New States", with special attention to the decisions in the field of social security and social assistance. The last part of the thesis, Chapter 3 focuses on political the speech. Particularly, the social speech of the major political participants, and also in the identification of the main discursive rhetorical patterns used by the political power. Also, the use of social policy, especially in Franco's Spain, as a mechanism of social control, will deserve special attention. The theme developed in the thesis presents itself with a large exploration potential and, consequently, with a large potential to generate new knowledge.

Basic concepts and definitions relative to Lagrangian Particle Dispersion Models (LPDMs)for the description of turbulent dispersion are introduced. The study focusses on LPDMs that use as input, for the large scale motion, fields produced by Eulerian models, with the small scale motions described by Lagrangian Stochastic Models (LSMs). The data of two different dynamical model have been used: a Large Eddy Simulation (LES) and a General Circulation Model (GCM). After reviewing the small scale closure adopted by the Eulerian model, the development and implementation of appropriate LSMs is outlined. The basic requirement of every LPDM used in this work is its fullfillment of the Well Mixed Condition (WMC). For the dispersion description in the GCM domain, a stochastic model of Markov order 0, consistent with the eddy-viscosity closure of the dynamical model, is implemented. A LSM of Markov order 1, more suitable for shorter timescales, has been implemented for the description of the unresolved motion of the LES fields. Different assumptions on the small scale correlation time are made. Tests of the LSM on GCM fields suggest that the use of an interpolation algorithm able to maintain an analytical consistency between the diffusion coefficient and its derivative is mandatory if the model has to satisfy the WMC. Also a dynamical time step selection scheme based on the diffusion coefficient shape is introduced, and the criteria for the integration step selection are discussed. Absolute and relative dispersion experiments are made with various unresolved motion settings for the LSM on LES data, and the results are compared with laboratory data. The study shows that the unresolved turbulence parameterization has a negligible influence on the absolute dispersion, while it affects the contribution of the relative dispersion and meandering to absolute dispersion, as well as the Lagrangian correlation.

Particulate matter is one of the main atmospheric pollutants, with a great chemical-environmental relevance. Improving knowledge of the sources of particulate matter and of their apportionment is needed to handle and fulfill the legislation regarding this pollutant, to support further development of air policy as well as air pollution management. Various instruments have been used to understand the sources of particulate matter and atmospheric radiotracers at the site of Mt. Cimone (44.18° N, 10.7° E, 2165 m asl), hosting a global WMO-GAW station. Thanks to its characteristics, this location is suitable investigate the regional and long-range transport of polluted air masses on the background Southern-Europe free-troposphere. In particular, PM10 data sampled at the station in the period 1998-2011 were analyzed in the framework of the main meteorological and territorial features. A receptor model based on back trajectories was applied to study the source regions of particulate matter. Simultaneous measurements of atmospheric radionuclides Pb-210 and Be-7 acquired together with PM10 have also been analysed to acquire a better understanding of vertical and horizontal transports able to affect atmospheric composition. Seasonal variations of atmospheric radiotracers have been studied both analysing the long-term time series acquired at the measurement site as well as by means of a state-of-the-art global 3-D chemistry and transport model. Advection patterns characterizing the circulation at the site have been identified by means of clusters of back-trajectories. Finally, the results of a source apportionment study of particulate matter carried on in a midsize town of the Po Valley (actually recognised as one of the most polluted European regions) are reported. An approach exploiting different techniques, and in particular different kinds of models, successfully achieved a characterization of the processes/sources of particulate matter at the two sites, and of atmospheric radiotracers at the site of Mt. Cimone.

Denne oppgaven omhandler den historiske romanen Livläkarens besök av Per Olov Enquist. Min problemstilling i arbeidet med romanen har vært: Fremstilling av historie, kjønn og makt i Livläkarens besök, der jeg hovedsakelig ser på hvordan Enquist velger å fremstille en fortidig historie, med fokus på romanens kvinner og deres makt. Intensjonen er ikke å påpeke feil i Enquists historiekonstruksjon, men å vise hvordan han fremstiller, og legger vekt på enkelte av historiens elementer. Innledningsvis skriver skisserer jeg først romanens handling, og deretter min problemformulering. Jeg skriver videre litt om hvem Per Olov Enquist er, og hvordan han har utvikler sin særegne skrivestil som han er så kjent for. Videre prøver jeg å definere hva en historisk roman er, og hvordan den kan skilles fra faglig historieskriving, da Enquist ofte tilsynelatende legger seg tett opp mot denne faglige normen i Livläkarens besök. Både faglig historieskriving og skjønnlitterær skriving er preget av narrative strukturer, og er en prosess som innebærer valg. En historisk beretning, uansett type, kan derfor ikke være fullstendig objektiv. Deretter skriver jeg om Livläkarens besök som historisk roman, og hvordan Enquist konstruerer en historie, og velger ut elementer han ønsker å fremstille. Jeg sammenligner Enquists fremstilling med historiske kilder for å vise hvordan beretningen er preget av valg, fortellerstil og retoriske grep, men også for å vise hvordan Enquist har ilagt romanen normer og verdier som er typiske for hans egen samtid. I siste kapittel kommer oppgaven inn på hvordan Enquist har fremstilt kjønn og makt, og da spesielt kvinner, i Livläkarens besök. Her viser jeg hvordan romanens kvinner har fått betydelig posisjoner i Enquists historiefremstilling, som i ulik grad kan gjenfinnes i historiske kilder. Dette viser romanens ”ønske” om å fremstille en historie som tidligere har vært oversett, og samtidig hvordan romanens normer og verdier henger sammen med forfatterens- og vår egen tids oppfatninger.