本研究从超常规色彩强烈的重大灾害危机处置入手，分析当代中国动员体制在改革时代的变化特征，以此为切入点来考察动员这项“革命制度遗产对当代中国政治的影响。本研究以中国政府在地震领域的危机动员实践作为实证案例，从1949年以后的不同时期选取四场震例进行纵向比较，以此来把握中国政府在危机条件下启动的政治动员在不同的政治发展阶段会呈现出什么样的整体特点。中国在地震领域的危机动员实践能够证明，中国的政治动员体制比传统动员政治研究假定的要更具动态性。兴起于革命时代的政治动员在进入改革时代以后依然能够延续，并没有随着乌托邦意识形态、计划经济乃至全能主义体制的整体瓦解而走向直线衰落。至少作为中国政府独特的公共危机处置手段，政治动员在改革时代呈现出的变化轨迹是复杂的，成形于全能主义时期的动员政治元素在改革时代不仅没有直接衰败，在某些阶段还重新获得了发展动力，能够与改革时代出现和或者强化的动员模式并存。本研究通过观察中国政府跨越不同政治经济发展阶段的地震危机动员实践发现，中国政府涉灾财政能力和行政能力的发展均衡程度，以及中国政治精英对国家在灾害治理领域角色定位的认知变化，能够对中国政府的地震危机动员模式产生重要影响；既包括s新模式兴起和旧模式衰落，也包括新旧模式的共存。而且，尽管国家能力和国家意愿之间没有必然关联，可是一旦两个因素出现比较同步的增强，还能够为这种“革命制度遗产在改革提供新的制度化动力，促成动员模式更进一步的变化。本研究的结论是，只要作为关键动员主体的中共政权在规范和结构上保持相对稳定，政治动员仍将会是中国政府重要的危机管理工具。而且随着中国政府有更强的意愿和能力来承担公共服务供给职责，政治动员形式和内涵都会有所改变。曾经具有很强非正式和应急色彩的政治动员不仅会变得越来越常态化，而且还会成为正规、任务内容更加广泛的中国涉灾公共治理体系的重要组成部分。 / This research investigates the dynamics and resilience of China’s politlical moblization by making hsitrocial comparison of Chinese government’s management of earthquake disasters across four decades. The author selects four major earthquake catastrophesTangshan, Lancang-Gengma, Lijiang, and Wenchuanfrom different historical periods to examine how Chinese government mobilized different types of subjects to contain and control crises under different political, social, and economic conditions. Based upon participatory and non-participatory observation, interviews, and extensive document analyses, this research reveals that China’s political mobilization, at least in the issue area of catastrophe management, has demonstrated a more complicated trajectory of change than predicted by most mainstream politilcal theories, espeically in the post-revolutionary era featured by increasing socio-economic pluralization and political liberalization. Insitutional elements promoting mass particpation and self-sufficience thriving in the revolutionary stage not only continue to function in the reform era, but also coexist with newly emerged mobilizational elements featured by increased state dominance, formal legal procedures, and professional expertise. Based on systematic historical comparison, the author argues that two important factors, besides macro socio-economic transformation, shape the unlinear changing trajectory of politilcal mobilization in the specific area of disaster management: degree of assertiveness of the (central) state and state capacity. This research concludes that as long as the key mobilizing agent, the ruling Communist party, remains normatively and structurally stable, political mobilization would continue to be an important instrument for the Chinese authorities to cope with natural disasters, although its populist and ad hoc nature would give way to higher degree of professionalization and routinization. More importantly, politilcal mobilization will not only promote but also become an integrated part of a more formal and comprehensive component of China’s risk governance, as the regime is getting more willing and capable to shoulder the responsibility to deliver more and better public good. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 彭林. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 174-204). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Peng Lin. / Chapter 第1章 --- 导论 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- 当代中国动员政治的变化：文献回顾 --- p.4 / Chapter 1.2 --- 如何界定动员 --- p.9 / Chapter 1.3 --- 动员模式及其变化 --- p.11 / Chapter 1.4 --- 如何解释动员模式变化 --- p.16 / Chapter 1.4.1 --- 发展水平 --- p.17 / Chapter 1.4.2 --- 国家角色定位 --- p.18 / Chapter 1.4.3 --- 国家能力 --- p.19 / Chapter 1.5 --- 对研究方法的一些说明 --- p.21 / Chapter 1.6 --- 文章结构 --- p.23 / Chapter 第2章 --- 唐山地震：大众动员的巅峰与转折 --- p.29 / Chapter 2.1 --- 1949年以后中国的大众动员抗灾体制 --- p.29 / Chapter 2.2 --- 从邢台到海城：动员型抗震体制的形成 --- p.32 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- 邢台地震：新中国第一场抗震救灾及其制度遗产 --- p.32 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- “69号文件与海城地震：主动动员模式的确立 --- p.40 / Chapter 2.3 --- 唐山地震 --- p.43 / Chapter 2.3.1 --- “漏报：主动动员模式弱点暴露 --- p.43 / Chapter 2.3.2 --- 城市灾害对大众动员模式的整体挑战 --- p.46 / Chapter 2.3.3 --- “跨时代的动员：中国抗灾动员政治的延续与变化 --- p.50 / Chapter 第3章 --- 澜沧-耿马地震：专业化动员的崛起于大众动员的延续 --- p.53 / Chapter 3.1 --- 大众动员模式在地震领域的不均衡衰落 --- p.53 / Chapter 3.1.1 --- 地震工作转型与主动动员模式的变 --- p.54 / Chapter 3.1.2 --- 农村经济改革对灾后重建的冲击 --- p.56 / Chapter 3.2 --- 澜沧-耿马地震 --- p.58 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- 备灾动员的变化：从“群测群防到“内松外紧 --- p.58 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- 应急预案与应急动员理性化 --- p.59 / Chapter 3.2.3 --- 震后重建：筹资压力与大众动员的延续 --- p.61 / Chapter 3.2.4 --- 新资源的出现于国家动员的延伸 --- p.64 / Chapter 第4章 --- 丽江地震：1990年代大众动员模式“重新强势 --- p.70 / Chapter 4.1 --- 综合减灾能力建设与专业化动员的发展局限 --- p.71 / Chapter 4.2 --- 国家后撤对动员型抗灾体制的冲击 --- p.74 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- 救灾分级挂你了与动员主体层次下沉 --- p.75 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- 开放式民间自我保障机制的扩张及其影响 --- p.78 / Chapter 4.3 --- 丽江地震 --- p.80 / Chapter 4.3.1 --- 主动备灾动员进一步正规化与衰落 --- p.80 / Chapter 4.3.2 --- 震后重建：外部动员与灾区就地动员 --- p.82 / Chapter 第5章 --- 汶川地震：复合型动员模式成型 --- p.95 / Chapter 5.1 --- 从“生产自救到“国家主导：中国救灾员模式转变 --- p.96 / Chapter 5.1.1 --- “非典与危机“管理的出现 --- p.97 / Chapter 5.1.2 --- 中国灾害治理“社会转向 --- p.99 / Chapter 5.2 --- “重新动员社会及其影响 --- p.102 / Chapter 5.2.1 --- “向钱看：社会捐赠动员体系的发展 --- p.102 / Chapter 5.2.2 --- 新的人力动员：从农村转向城市 --- p.105 / Chapter 5.3 --- 汶川地震 --- p.107 / Chapter 5.3.1 --- 震后应急与专业化动员的发展 --- p.108 / Chapter 5.3.2 --- 汶川重建与对口支援的新变化 --- p.110 / Chapter 5.3.3 --- 国家动员与社会动员的互动 --- p.120 / Chapter 5.4 --- 汶川地震与抗灾动员新模式 --- p.127 / Chapter 第6章 --- 跨越四十年的抗震动员：比较与讨论 --- p.136 / Chapter 6.1 --- 跨越四十年的地震灾害治理和抗震动员 --- p.137 / Chapter 6.2 --- 解释动员模式的变化 --- p.141 / Chapter 6.2.1 --- 发展水平提升带来的复杂影响 --- p.141 / Chapter 6.2.2 --- 国家角色定位的变化 --- p.144 / Chapter 6.2.3 --- 灾害治理能力的多变性 --- p.148 / Chapter 6.3 --- 抗震动员模式变化的复杂性 --- p.151 / Chapter 6.3.1 --- 震前备灾动员模式的变化 --- p.153 / Chapter 6.3.2 --- 震后应急动员模式的变化 --- p.154 / Chapter 6.3.3 --- 重建动员模式的变化 --- p.156 / Chapter 6.4 --- 分析与发现 --- p.159 / Chapter 第7章 --- 结语 --- p.167 / Chapter 7.1 --- 政治动员的连贯性与非线性变迁 --- p.167 / Chapter 7.2 --- 中国动员型危机治理模式的独特性与横向比较的可能性 --- p.169 / 参考书目 --- p.174 / Chapter 附录1 --- 访谈 --- p.205 / Chapter 附录2 --- 档案 --- p.207 / Chapter 附录3 --- 年鉴、公报、地方志和专业志 --- p.209 / Chapter 附录4 --- 过往报纸和期刊 --- p.212 / Chapter 附录5 --- 开放数据库 --- p.212 / Chapter 附录6 --- 中国灾情数据 --- p.213

Black Capitol investigates the persistence of racial inequality in the federal legislative workforce. I frame the existence of racial inequality in Congress not as an outgrowth of certain racist members of Congress, but as a defining characteristic of the institution. I analyze how these disparities are produced by and through an institutional structure formed by race. This leads me to offer the concept of Congress as a raced political institution. I use the term raced political institution to mean institutions, organized for the purposes of government, in which race is embedded in the organizational structure, and is a determining factor of how labor and space is organized on the formal level. In addition, I use the term to informally capture how perceptions of power influence identity construction, interactions, and culture. I build on scholarship from critical race theorists, to argue that Congress is a seminal institution in the American racial state, responsible for structuring race and inequality in American society. From the perspective of Black legislative staff, who currently or previously worked in the Capitol, I assess how the congressional workforce is stratified, how physical space is segregated, and how interactions and identities are racialized. I employ a mixed methods approach, including over 70 semi-structured interviews with current and former legislative employees, archival research, and ethnographic observations of the staff organizations. This analysis contributes to a wide range of scholarly conversations about citizenship, representation, democracy, and bureaucracy. More broadly, this work raises important questions about the distribution of power in the American political system and how inequality in Congress reverberates off of Capitol Hill.

Chang Kwun-Hung. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 184-189). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Chapter 1. --- Introduction / Chapter 1.1 --- The approach of this thesis --- p.3 / Chapter 1.2 --- Criticisms on Rawls --- p.8 / Chapter 1.3 --- Influences from Marx --- p.13 / Chapter 1.4 --- "Socialism, market, and democracy" --- p.14 / Chapter 1.5 --- Why should we need equality? --- p.18 / Chapter 2. --- Complex Equality and Distributive Justice / Chapter 2.1 --- Social goods and distributive spheres --- p.22 / Chapter 2.2 --- Problems on simple equality --- p.26 / Chapter 2.3 --- Complex equality and reduction of dominance --- p.33 / Chapter 2.4 --- Blocked exchange and free exchanges --- p.37 / Chapter 2.5 --- Natural endowments and desert --- p.40 / Chapter 3. --- Criticisms on Walzer's theory of social goods / Chapter 3.1 --- Loose link between social meanings and distributive principles --- p.47 / Chapter 3.2 --- Moral considerations and principle of utility --- p.50 / Chapter 3.3 --- Basic needs and communal provision --- p.56 / Chapter 3.4 --- Unclear boundaries between social goods --- p.60 / Chapter 4. --- Citizenship and shared understandings of social goods / Chapter 4.1 --- Democratic citizenship and political power --- p.70 / Chapter 4.2 --- Decentralized democratic socialism --- p.77 / Chapter 4.3 --- Ruled by citizens or ruled by specialists? --- p.79 / Chapter 4.4 --- Shared understandings of social welfare --- p.81 / Chapter 4.41 --- Medical care / Chapter 4.42 --- Education / Chapter 4.5 --- Art of separation --- p.91 / Chapter 5. --- Interpretation and social criticism / Chapter 5.1 --- Interpretation thesis --- p.99 / Chapter 5.2 --- Social criticism --- p.111 / Chapter 5.3 --- Dworkin-Walzer debate --- p.118 / Chapter 6. --- Problems with Walzer's interpretation thesis / Chapter 6.1 --- The possibility of social criticisms made by another society --- p.132 / Chapter 6.2 --- Refutation of interpretation thesis --- p.139 / Chapter 6.21 --- Georgia Warnke's criticism / Chapter 6.22 --- Joshua Cohen's criticism / Chapter 6.23 --- Raw materials taking part in Walzer's interpretation / Chapter 6.24 --- Joseph Raz's criticism / Chapter 6.25 --- Social practices and underlying ideas / Chapter 6.3 --- Universal application of Walzer's particularism --- p.157 / Chapter 6.4 --- Thick and thin --- p.162 / Chapter 6.5 --- Improving Walzer's theory --- p.171 / CONCLUSION --- p.179 / BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.184

Xia Xiang. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 96-102). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract (in English) --- p.i-iii / Abstract (in Chinese) --- p.iv-v / Acknowledgement --- p.vi-vii / List of Figures --- p.xii / List of Tables --- p.xiii / Abbreviations --- p.xiv / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1-7 / Chapter 1.1 --- The Rationale of the Study --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- The Scope of the Study --- p.1-2 / Chapter 1.3 --- The Objectives of the Study --- p.2-3 / Chapter 1.4 --- The Methodology of the Study --- p.3-4 / Chapter 1.5 --- Significance and Limitations of the Study --- p.4-6 / Chapter 1.6 --- The Organization of the Study --- p.6-7 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.8-29 / Chapter 2.1 --- Theory of Corporatism and Its Criticism --- p.8-11 / Chapter 2.1.1 --- Definition of Corporatism and Two Different Types --- p.8-10 / Chapter 2.1.2 --- Some Critiques on Corporatism --- p.10-11 / Chapter 2.2 --- Theory of Civil Society and Its Criticism --- p.12-17 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- Definition of Civil Society --- p.12-14 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- Some Critiques on Civil Society --- p.14-17 / Chapter 2.3 --- The Applicability of Corporatism/Civil Society to China --- p.17-25 / Chapter 2.3.1 --- Discussions on Corporatism --- p.17-19 / Chapter 2.3.2 --- Discussions on Civil Society --- p.19-22 / Chapter 2.3.3 --- Social Organizations: both corporatist and civil society features? --- p.22-25 / Chapter 2.4 --- Studies on the Private Business Associations in China --- p.25-29 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- The Federation of Industry and Commerce --- p.30-54 / Chapter 3.1 --- The All China Federation of Industry and Commerce --- p.30-35 / Chapter 3.1.1 --- Establishment and Objectives --- p.30-31 / Chapter 3.1.2 --- Functions of the A CFIC --- p.32 / Chapter 3.1.3 --- "Organization, Staffing and Budget" --- p.32-34 / Chapter 3.1.4 --- "Structure, Local Chapters and Membership" --- p.34-35 / Chapter 3.2 --- Shanghai Federation of Industry and Commerce and Its District Chapters --- p.35-45 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- Functional Changes over the Fifty Years --- p.36-39 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- The Representative Function of the FIC --- p.39-41 / Chapter 3.2.3 --- Funding and Spending --- p.41-43 / Chapter 3.2.4 --- Membership --- p.43 / Chapter 3.2.5 --- Selection of Leaders --- p.44-45 / Chapter 3.3 --- Relationship between the Federation of Industry and Commerce and the State: are there any changes? --- p.45-54 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- Corporatist Features of the Dual Management System and 1989 & 1998 Document --- p.45-48 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- Relationship between the Federation of Industry and Commerce and the State --- p.48-54 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- The Self-Employed Laborers Association and Private Enterprises Associations --- p.55-80 / Chapter 4.1 --- The Self-Employed Laborers Association at the National Level --- p.55-59 / Chapter 4.1.1 --- Establishment and Objectives --- p.55-56 / Chapter 4.1.2 --- Functions of the SELA --- p.56-57 / Chapter 4.1.3 --- "Organization, Staffing and Budget" --- p.58 / Chapter 4.1.4 --- "Structure, Local Chapters and Membership" --- p.58-59 / Chapter 4.2 --- Shanghai Self-Employed Laborers Association and Private Enterprises Association and Their District Chapters --- p.59-73 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- Organizational Structures of the SELA and PEA --- p.61-63 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- Functional Changes --- p.63-65 / Chapter 4.2.3 --- The Representative Function of the SELA and PEA --- p.65-68 / Chapter 4.2.4 --- Funding and Spending 68- --- p.71 / Chapter 4.2.5 --- Membership --- p.71-73 / Chapter 4.2.6 --- Selection of Leaders --- p.73 / Chapter 4.3 --- The Self-Employed Laborers Association and Private Enterprises Association: a new form of government appendages? --- p.74-80 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- The Relationship between the Federation of Industry and Commerce and the Private Enterprises Association --- p.81-88 / Chapter 5.1 --- The PEA as A Group Member of the FIC --- p.81-82 / Chapter 5.2 --- The FIC and the PEA: Lack of Interaction --- p.82-83 / Chapter 5.3 --- Perceived Competition between the FIC and the PEA --- p.83-84 / Chapter 5.4 --- Perceived Advantages by the FIC and the PEA's Staff --- p.84-88 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- Conclusion --- p.89-95 / Bibliography --- p.96-102 / Appendix I: Profile of the Interview --- p.103-105 / "Appendix II: Interview Questions for the FIC, the SELA and PEA" --- p.106 / Appendix III: Interview Questions for Members --- p.107 / Appendix IV: Interview Questions for the BICA --- p.108

微博在中国的互联网上十分流行，这对中国宣传机构的信息控制形成了新的挑战。微博可以使信息得到快速和广泛的传播，从而增加了国家宣传机器进行信息控制的难度。本文试图探讨微博可以在多大程度上帮助网民挑战政府对信息的控制。通过分析在新浪微博上收集的数据，本文发现微博对宣传工作的挑战有四种机制。首先，基于对微博上热门政治信息的分析，本文发现微博上的部分话语权由媒体转向个人，同时出现了一批对政府持批判态度的超级网民。其次，对于一些热点事件，微博与传统媒体的报道角度与侧重点不同，从而使得中国的政治信息更加多元化 。第三，虽然中央政府可以实现对微博的有效审查，但地方政府时常不能控制微博上的报道。第四，网民通过微博上的信息运动，可以将某些传统媒体不愿报道的事件问题化，这对中国传统媒体的自我审查形成了冲击。本文认为微博可以帮助人民挑战国家的信息控制。 / The micro-blog, with its huge popularity in recent years, poses a new challenge to the propaganda state in China. The micro-blog is able to spread information fast and reach a wide audience. The liberating potential of the micro-blog on the information flow is in conflict with the control efforts from the propaganda state. It is puzzling then the extent to which the netizens are able to use the micro-blog to counter the information control. Based on the data collected from Sina Weibo, this study finds the propaganda state is challenged by the micro-blog through four mechanisms. First, analysis of political posts demonstrates a partial shift of discursive power from media to individuals and a rise of critical super-netizens in the micro-blog. Second, the posts in the micro-blog report the controversial issues in a different way than the traditional media that contributes to the pluralization of political information. Third, the netizens are able to use the micro-blog to expose certain information that the local government would like to censor. Forth, the netizens are able to problematize certain issues through information movement that challenge the self-censorship of media. This study concludes that the micro-blog is able to empower the people in the battle between state and society on what is fit to know. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Yang, Shen. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 94-98). / Abstracts also in Chinese. / LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES --- p.VI / Chapter CHAPTER I. --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- METHODS AND DATA --- p.4 / Chapter 1.3 --- THE ORGANIZATION OF THE THESIS --- p.7 / Chapter 1.4 --- THE CONTRIBUTIONS AND LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY --- p.8 / Chapter CHAPTER II --- LITERATURE REVIEW --- p.10 / Chapter 2.1 --- THE PROPAGANDA STATE IN CHINA: STRUCTURE, MECHANISM AND EFFICACY --- p.10 / Chapter 2.2 --- THE INFORMATION DIFFUSION PROCESS IN THE MICRO-BLOG --- p.14 / Chapter 2.3 --- THE RESEARCH ON CHINESE INTERNET --- p.16 / Chapter 2.4 --- SOCIAL MEDIA AND AUTHORITARIAN STATE --- p.20 / Chapter 2.5 --- THE DEBATE ON TECHNOLOGICAL DETERMINISM --- p.21 / Chapter CHAPTER III: --- MICRO-BLOG AND POLITICS: AN ANALYSIS OF POLITICAL POSTS --- p.23 / Chapter 3.1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.23 / Chapter 3.2 --- WHO WRITES THE POPULAR POLITICAL POSTS? --- p.27 / Chapter 3.3 --- CONTENT OF THE POPULAR POLITICAL POSTS --- p.28 / Chapter 3.4 --- WHO SPEAKS WHAT? --- p.30 / Chapter 3.5 --- HOW POLITICAL INFORMATION IS TRANSMITTED --- p.32 / Chapter 3.6 --- THE RISE OF CRITICAL SUPER-NETIZENS --- p.35 / Chapter 3.7 --- CHAPTER CONCLUSION --- p.38 / Chapter CHAPTER IV: --- COMPARING MICRO-BLOG AND TRADITIONAL MEDIA: CONTENT ANALYSIS --- p.39 / Chapter 4.1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.39 / Chapter 4.2 --- HOW MICRO-BLOG DIFFERS FROM TRADITIONAL MEDIA: FRAMING ANALYSIS --- p.45 / Chapter 4.3 --- CHAPTER CONCLUSION --- p.58 / Chapter CHAPTER V: --- MICRO-BLOG AND INFORMATION CENSORSHIP --- p.61 / Chapter 5.1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.61 / Chapter 5.2 --- THE CENSORSHIP PRACTICE IN MICRO-BLOG WEBSITE: MECHANISM AND EFFICACY --- p.62 / Chapter 5.3 --- EXPOSING INFORMATION THE CENTRAL GOVERNMENT WOULD LIKE TO SUPPRESS --- p.66 / Chapter 5.4 --- EXPOSING INFORMATION THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT WOULD LIKE TO SUPPRESS --- p.68 / Chapter 5.4.1 --- Case of “Watch Uncle --- p.68 / Chapter 5.4.2 --- Summary and Discussion --- p.73 / Chapter 5.5 --- CHAPTER CONCLUSION --- p.73 / Chapter CHAPTER VI --- MICRO-BLOG AND SELF-CENSORSHIP --- p.75 / Chapter 6.1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.75 / Chapter 6.2 --- THE REPORTING OF CHINESE MILITARY IN TRADITIONAL MEDIA --- p.76 / Chapter 6.3 --- THE MILITARY VEHICLES SNAPSHOT MOVEMENT --- p.76 / Chapter 6.4 --- HOW NETIZENS PROBLEMATIZE THE ISSUE OF MISUSING MILITARY VEHICLES --- p.81 / Chapter 6.5 --- THE POWER OF THE INFORMATION MOVEMENT --- p.83 / Chapter 6.6 --- CHAPTER CONCLUSION --- p.85 / Chapter CHAPTER VII: --- CONCLUSION --- p.87 / Chapter 7.1 --- THE PROSPECT OF THE PROPAGANDA STATE --- p.87 / Chapter 7.2 --- THE POLICY IMPLICATION --- p.91 / Chapter APPENDIX 1 --- FRAMES USED IN THIS RESEARCH --- p.92 / BIBLIOGRAPHY: --- p.94

Apart from politics and market, ideology was a significant factor in the realm of rock music. Upholding an ideology that focused on individuality and autonomy, and epousing a set of aesthetic value that placed emphases on live performance: how to maintain a balance between autonomy from politics and adaptation to market tastes became a question for both rock artists and the culture industry, a topic of which will be examined in the dissertation. / At the same time, this paper examined the struggle of rock artists against the official constraints and prohibitive coding via rock lyrics, the visual, the music, the body as well as the theatrical performance. / Finally, this paper explores how rock artists and the rock industry turned to alternative spaces for projecting their causes: the Internet, the underground music network and the realm of piracy, spaces where interferences from both the state and the market were minimum. / It also took as its study why rock music was a noise in the market and how rock labels contested for a space in the market which had been plagued by piracy and lack of protection for intellectual property rights. It at the same time explored the ways rock companies attempted to make the books balanced in operating the rock music business in a market where rock fans only constituted a marginal audience. / It looked at how the government imposed control and prohibition on the publishing, performance and dissemination of rock music which it perceived as an alien noise. For this, interviews had been held with personnel from the official apparatuses, the culture industry, the mass media as well as the rock artists and musicians, in a way to understand why rock was rarely heard on the radio or performed on television; why rock music became a term rarely appeared in the official press; and why rock was not allowed to mingle with official discourse like party songs or national anthem; and in what ways the contents of songs as well as the visuals on album covers were censored; and how the government controlled the speech, acts and dress of rock artists on stage. / This paper concludes with the view that despite the many constraints encountered by rock music in the realm of both the state and the market, rock music as a cultural space did not totally lose its freedom, autonomy or integrity. It adopted a mode of communication which is hinged on the non-verbal, the second-order signification, the hidden and the symbolic. It utilised a strategy which avoids direct antagonism with the political regime, and sought outlets for its own messages and meanings. / This paper started by examining how rock music had been transformed into a genre distinguished with its ideology and aesthetics in a socialist country where politics and economy weighed equally significant. / This study took rock music as a cultural space that reflected a larger political and economic environment in China, where it had been marginalized and segregated as a noise by both the state and the market. / Wong Yan Chau Christina. / "September 2006." / Adviser: Joseph Man Chan. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-03, Section: A, page: 0783. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / School code: 1307.

中国的私营企业主支持民主吗？此研究发现整体上他们拥有民主价值观念，但是他们认为民主在中国不可行，所以他们选择维持现状。通过分析一份全国性问卷调查数据，本文指出中国的私营企业主比其他的中产阶级和劳动阶层更加可能支持民主价值观念，在控制了相关的政治性，区域性和基本的个人特征的影响之后，这样的差异依然存在。用结构化方程模型分析一份针对 2071 位私营企业主的问卷调查数据进一步表明私营企业主的民主价值观念并不受他们与政府的政治联系的影响。和政府有各种联系的私营企业主并没有比其他企业主更加保守。然而通过与他们的深度访谈，文章发现拥有民主价值观念的私营企业家同时也支持政府。他们认为民主在中国并不可行，至少在目前这个阶段。因此，他们倾向于选择维持现状。 / Do private entrepreneurs in China support democracy? This study shows that in general, private entrepreneurs find democracy desirable, but their concern with the feasibility of democracy predisposes them toward maintaining the status quo. Drawing on a national survey, this research indicates that Chinese private entrepreneurs are more likely to have democratic values than the non-entrepreneurial middle class and working class, controlling the effects of relevant political, regional and demographic factors. An analysis of a survey data on 2071 private entrepreneurs further shows that politically embedded entrepreneurs are not significantly less likely to endorse democratic values than non-politically embedded entrepreneurs. In-depth interviews suggest that private entrepreneurs who have democratic values tend to argue that democracy is infeasible in China, at least in the near future. In real life, they adopt a pro-government stance in their economic, social and political activities. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Jin, Shuai. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 48-51). / Abstracts also in Chinese.

Despite the profound impacts of HIV and AIDS on all sectors of South African society, governmental responses to the AIDS epidemic have been inundated with contradiction, conflict and contestation. Though governmental leaders have justified not funding HIV treatment programs because they believe that poverty needs to be dealt with first, social spending has been slashed as part of an adherence to a neo-liberal economic model. Though it would seem that the government would seem to have everything to gain by establishing a cooperative relationship with non-governmental actors regarding the epidemic, the relationship between the government and non-governmental actors has instead been described as nothing short of hostile. Though the government enthusiastically backed Virodene, a supposed treatment for AIDS that turned out to be no more than an industrial solvent, other ‘scientifically backed’ AIDS treatments have been treated with caution and skepticism – to the point where the government even refused to provide funding for programs to prevent mother to child transmission of the virus. And perhaps the most perplexing is that although widely respected for his intellect and cool demeanor, former President Mbeki chose to risk his political career on the AIDS issue by shunning away from the mainstream consensus on the biomedical causes of the epidemic and instead surrounded himself and sought advice from AIDS ‘dissidents’ This thesis will seek explanations for these apparent contradictions. Using Bourdieu’s (1986) typology of capitals, it will build on an argument put forward by Helen Schneider (2002): from the South African government’s perspective, the contestation regarding HIV and AIDS policy and implementation is over symbolic capital, or the right to legitimately hold and exercise political power regarding the epidemic. Though this argument helps explain the conflictual relationship between the government and non-governmental actors regarding the AIDS crisis, in order to understand the perplexing contradictions within the governmental policy response, the political context of policy formation must first be taken into consideration.

Wang, Jing. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 138-142). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract / Acknowledgements / Chapter Chapter One: --- Introduction --- p.7 / Chapter A. --- Background leading to the research question --- p.7 / Chapter I. --- The socialist legacy: the institutional failure of China ´ةs labor regime --- p.8 / Chapter II. --- Society in action: the emergence of migrant worker NGOs --- p.10 / Chapter B. --- Research Question --- p.16 / Chapter C. --- Significance of the research --- p.18 / Chapter D. --- Research Structure --- p.21 / Chapter I. --- Relationship with official trade unions --- p.22 / Chapter II. --- Relationship with enterprises (suppliers and MNCs) --- p.22 / Chapter III. --- Relationship with foreign NGOs --- p.24 / Chapter F. --- The Organization of the Thesis --- p.24 / Chapter Chapter Two: --- Literature Review --- p.26 / Chapter A. --- State-society relations: a Civil Society Perspective --- p.27 / Chapter B. --- Industrial relations as Embedded in the State-society Relations --- p.35 / Chapter C. --- Major Inadequacies in Literatures --- p.40 / Chapter Chapter Three: --- Methodology --- p.42 / Chapter A. --- Research Question and Research Design --- p.42 / Chapter B. --- Justifications for Case Study as an Appropriate Method for this Research --- p.44 / Chapter C. --- Selection of the Case --- p.48 / Chapter D. --- Conducting Case Studies --- p.49 / Chapter E. --- Problems Associated with the Case Study --- p.51 / Chapter F. --- Summary --- p.51 / Chapter Chapter Four: --- Impoverishment of Migrant Labor: Global Capitalism and China's Urban-rural Structural Divide --- p.51 / Chapter A. --- Global Capitalism: the Political Economy of Export-orientated Industry --- p.55 / Chapter B. --- Labor Regime Facilitative to Exploitation --- p.59 / Chapter C. --- The Socio-political Underpinnings of the Labor Regime: Residence Registration System and Two-tier Labor Market --- p.63 / Chapter D. --- Corporate Social Responsibility --- p.66 / Chapter I. --- The comeback of CSR --- p.66 / Chapter II. --- CSR labor regulatory regime --- p.69 / Chapter III. --- The story of ICO started from here --- p.71 / Chapter E. --- Summary --- p.72 / Chapter Chapter Five: --- The Emergence of ICO in the Context of CSR --- p.74 / Chapter A. --- Historical Review of Government Control on Social Organizations --- p.74 / Chapter B. --- The Strategy of ICO to Register with the Government --- p.78 / Chapter C. --- The ICO's Strategy into the Industrial Relations --- p.82 / Chapter D. --- Government --- p.87 / Chapter E. --- Western Civil Society and Foreign NGOs --- p.91 / Chapter F. --- Summary --- p.95 / Chapter Chapter Six: --- The Expansion of ICO --- p.97 / Chapter A. --- Strategy in adaptation --- p.97 / Chapter I. --- Research --- p.97 / Chapter II. --- "CSR Consulting, Training and Auditing" --- p.98 / Chapter III. --- Labor empowerment --- p.106 / Chapter IV. --- Networking --- p.108 / Chapter B. --- Management and Capacity --- p.109 / Chapter I. --- Governance structure --- p.110 / Chapter II. --- Financial management --- p.113 / Chapter III. --- Human resources --- p.115 / Chapter C. --- Enterprises --- p.116 / Chapter D. --- Government --- p.118 / Chapter E. --- Trade Unions --- p.121 / Chapter F. --- Summary --- p.124 / Chapter Chapter Seven: --- Conclusion --- p.125 / Chapter A. --- State and Civil Society: A Game of Push and Pull? --- p.126 / Chapter B. --- A Western-Bred Civil Society? --- p.127 / Chapter C. --- The Social Entrepreneur --- p.130 / Chapter D. --- Refining the Theoretical Framework of Transformation in Chinese Labor Regime and State-Society Relations --- p.134 / References --- p.138

Yick, Man Kin. / "August 2011." / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [193]-212). / Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendix includes Chinese. / Abstract in English --- p.iii / Abstract in Chinese --- p.v / Acknowledgement --- p.vii / Contents --- p.x / Abbreviations --- p.xiii / "Lists of Tables, figures and graph" --- p.xv / Chapter Section 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / Purpose of the study --- p.4 / Chapter Section 2 --- Historical development of social welfare sector and YWCA --- p.5 / Conceptualizing NGOs --- p.5 / Early colonial period to WWII: Formation of charity organization under minimal welfare provision of the government --- p.7 / Post-WWII to 1960s: Government in need of SSOs for relief work and against communism --- p.9 / 1960s to 1990s: Expansion of social welfare and state incorporation of SSOs --- p.10 / From the 1990s: Towards a contractual relationship between SSOs and government in uncertain times --- p.12 / YWCA has followed the footsteps of social service sector --- p.16 / Chapter Section 3 --- Conceptualizing legitimacy repair --- p.18 / Why legitimacy? --- p.18 / Conceptualizing and defining legitimacy --- p.20 / Typology of legitimacy --- p.22 / Measurements of legitimacy --- p.25 / Legitimacy repair --- p.25 / Stakeholder and stakeholder politics --- p.28 / Chapter Section 4 --- Analytical framework --- p.32 / Determinants of degree of consistency of legitimacy repair strategies --- p.32 / Chapter Section 5 --- Methodology --- p.35 / A longitudinal single case study --- p.35 / A qualitative research --- p.36 / Why TO YWCA? --- p.36 / Research method --- p.37 / Field roles and field relations --- p.39 / Informant selection --- p.40 / A note on the role of media --- p.41 / Ethical issues in this study --- p.42 / Chapter Section 6 --- The setting: Tai 0 --- p.43 / The administrative-political setting --- p.48 / Local associations in Tai O --- p.51 / Chapter Section 7 --- Legitimacy challenge on YWCA during 1988 District Board election --- p.53 / Entry of YWCA --- p.53 / Struggle in 1988 District Board election --- p.63 / YWCA after the election: Formal complaint by TORC and its repair strategies --- p.73 / Chapter Section 8 --- The River Crab Saga from 2008 to 2010 --- p.75 / The two floodings in brief --- p.75 / What were TORC's challenges to YWCA? --- p.76 / Response of YWCA: Apology to TORC and adoption of a softer work strategy of community work --- p.85 / A turn to expression of regret under public scrutiny --- p.88 / The effect of the Saga on Tai O community: TO YWCA and pro-TOYWCA residents --- p.99 / The effect of the Saga on YWCA --- p.100 / Chapter Section 9 --- Discussion --- p.102 / Differences of the two disputes in terms of stakeholder identification and analysis --- p.102 / Explaining the difference of repair strategies of YWCA legitimacy between the two controversies --- p.114 / What factors could link up pro-Beijing and rural forces since the 1990s? --- p.136 / "Advantages of binding together: elections, mobilization, and interests" --- p.140 / Chapter Section 10 --- Conclusion --- p.157 / The case and argument revisited --- p.157 / Theoretical input --- p.163 / Significance of the study --- p.164 / Research limitations --- p.168 / Suggestions for further research --- p.169 / Chapter Appendix 1 --- Informant characteristics and selection process --- p.172 / Informant characteristics --- p.172 / Informant selection process --- p.177 / Chapter Appendix 2 --- Newspaper reports on 1988 DB election --- p.179 / Chapter Appendix 3 --- Chronology of the 2008 River Crab Saga --- p.180 / Chapter Appendix 4 --- Debates over disaster relief process in 2008 in detail --- p.183 / Chapter Appendix 5 --- Letter of complaint to LegCo Redress System --- p.189 / References --- p.193