Tracking, or ability grouping, separates students often based on perceived academic ability based on subjective rather than objective criteria. State policies mandating objective placement criteria could increase access to advanced coursework and reduce the harmful effects of tracking. In 2018 and 2019, North Carolina enacted legislation mandating advanced mathematics placement for top-scoring students. Despite a turbulent 2019 legislative session, the policy passed unanimously in 2019. This qualitative case study draws on interviews, legislative documents, local news articles, and publicly available reports and data to explore how race and the politics of tracking influenced the legislation at key stages of the policy process. The research is intended to inform both scholarly literature in the fields of political science and public policy and provide practical insights into the educational policymaking process. Findings underscore the importance of the framing and messaging of an issue, bipartisan political relationships, and the role of the local media. Additionally, by examining the use of a race-neutral framing in the political messaging and policy formulation, the study sheds light on the tension between incremental progress through meritocratic ideals of promotion and access rather than directly addressing systemic educational inequality inherent in systems of tracking.

This dissertation analyzes how redistricting, minority representation, and perceived polarization— three topics regularly studied at the national level—function at the level of local government. The first two chapters focus on city council redistricting. In the first chapter, I used a new approach, a sequential Monte Carlo algorithm, to simulate city council district plans. By simulating tens of thousands of plans for each city, I was able to compare the plans that are actually implemented to a representative sample of all plausible plans. This analysis represents the first large-N geospatial analysis of city council redistricting. I found that the city council maps that are actually implemented feature more majority-minority districts than the median simulation. This implies that somewhere in the redistricting process, a conscious effort is made to foster minority representation. In the second chapter, I merged city council map data with the results of city council elections. I then analyzed the relationship between the composition of districts and who runs and who wins in city council elections. I found that district-level demographic makeup continues to be the dominant factor in the supply of minority candidates. I also found that, comparing two cities that are otherwise demographically and politically similar, cities that fall under the Voting Rights Act (VRA) pre-clearance had more minorities run for office and win election on average. In the third chapter, I conducted an original survey experiment to determine if respondents’ perceptions of partisan polarization differed in local contexts relative to the national political landscape. I did not find measurable differences in the perceived prevalence of support for different issues. However, I did find that respondents were slightly less willing to endorse generic language about partisans’ issue support when cued to think about ordinary voters in their local area. All together, these studies probe three different aspects of local electoral politics. In doing so, they help reconcile our understanding of electoral politics nationally with areas of local politics that still have many open questions.

In this dissertation I examine the influence and impact of consumer politics in the first five years of the AIDS epidemic. Using historical methodologies and leveraging a range of archival materials alongside scholarly and journalistic accounts of the era, I argue that gay men and People with AIDS deployed critical medical consumerism in their earliest responses to the disease. The politics of People with AIDS challenged the normative understanding of the sick by the medical and public health professions that claimed authority to shape the response to the AIDS epidemic. In the context of AIDS, this authority was shared with the gay and lesbian organizations that responded to the epidemic on behalf of the gay and lesbian community. People with AIDS wanted more power in each of these encounters. Living with AIDS involved numerous complex networks of medical, clinical, and care service relationships. In the context of America’s for-profit healthcare and service system and given the social service orientation of community-based responses, they positioned themselves as consumers. I examine the influence and impact of critical medical consumerism in the founding of the earliest AIDS service organizations, the earliest writing by people with AIDS in New York City, the emergence of political organizing among People with AIDS and their allies and its impact on the closure of the New York City bathhouses, the creation of community-based clinical research organizations and the founding of the well-known direct-action group, ACT UP. Critical medical consumerism appeared both as a way of generating and sharing information among People with AIDS, and a language of critique by People AIDS of the community and government responses to the epidemic. Through the lens of consumer politics, I also reexamine well historicized moments in this history, providing a more complex history to a founding document in the politics of AIDS, The Denver Principles. In this dissertation, I conclude that consumer politics is an essential political, social, and cultural lens through which People with AIDS understood the epidemic, though it is not without its limits. In the final chapter, I examine possibilities of future research in this field and the limitations of consumer politics for both the historical actor who deployed it, and for historians who examine this period of history.

The theme of the MTh is the research of the Christian political responsibility in terms of an evangelical position. The first step is to examine the historical political background of evangelical engagements, whereas the focus is especially on the German development. The second step analyses theologically where to locate political and social barriers. It creates an overview in what way (or to what extend) the bible shows and discusses socio-political topics. Furthermore the theological base for political actions describes (themetizes) the relation between the (institution) church and the (governing) state, the understanding of salvation and God’s kingdom and also questions of eschatology. Ahead of the evangelical approach of political theology, the last chapter describes the difference from liberation theology and models of contextual theology. / Missiology / M. Th. (Missiology)

Text in Afrikaans / Die term "Alternatiewe Afrikaans" is die afgelope dekade telkens gebruik in taalpolitieke publikasies, maar tot dusver is daar relatief min gedoen om die begrip te analiseer, om die "Alternatiewe Afrikaanse beweging" histories te kontekstualiseer, en om die "beweging" se taalpolitieke uitgangspunte en publ ikasies krities te evalueer as ideologiese teenpool vir Standaardafrikaans of "Establishment Afrikaans". Hierdie proefskrif poog om, na aanleiding van 'n analise van die politieke faktore rondom die opkoms en "kanoni sering" van Standaardafri kaans, die totstandkoming van (wit) Afrikanerhegemonie en die daarmee gepaardgaande breuk in die Afrikaanse taalgemeenskap, die ontstaan van die term "Alternatiewe Afrikaans" en die taalpolitieke "agenda" van die "Alternatiewe beweging" te ondersoek. In die eerste hoofstuk word die taalsosiologie en taalpolitiek as studieterreine ontleed en terme soos "politiek", "mag" en "ideologie" en die verskei e wyses waarop hull e met taa 1 in verband gebri ng kan word, word ondersoek. Die "Kritiese Linguistiek" word onder die loep geneem en die hegemoniemodel van Gramsci word bespreek as deelteoretiese raamwerk vir hierdie studie. In die tweede hoofstuk word die taalpolitiek van Standaardafrikaans bespreek aan die hand van die volgende temas: Afrikanernasionalisme en Afrikaans, die politisering en mitologisering van die ontstaansgeskiedenis van Afrikaans, en die Afrikaanse taalbewegings. Tel kens word "alternatiewe", ontmitologiserende beskouings teenoor "standaardbeskouings" van die temas gestel. Die ontsluiting van 'n alternatiewe hegemonie, verbind met die "Alternatiewe beweging" en "People's Education", word in hoofstuk 3 bespreek en die term "Alternatiewe Afrikaans" word ontleed. Daar word besin oor die "Alternatiewe beweging" as "taalbeweging". In die vierde hoofstuk word die ideologie van "bevryding" in 'n aantal tekste wat met "Alternatiewe Afrikaans" geassosieer word, geanaliseer aan die hand van verskeie tegnieke uit die kritiese diskoersanalise. Manipulatiewe en propagandistiese diskursiewe praktyke word uitgelig. Die "depolitisering" en "demokratisering" van Afrikaans word in die slothoofstuk bespreek. Daar word aangetoon dat "Alternatiewe Afrikaans" deur 'n duidelike polities-mobiliserende agenda onderle word, dat die varieteit 'n verpolitiseerde "ideologiese metalek" van Afrikaans is en uiteindelik 'n etiket is vir " 'n ideologie van bevryding" ten opsigte van die heersende hegemoniese strukture / During the past decade the term "Alternative Afrikaans" has frequently been used in publications on language politics. Until recently little has been done concerning the analysis of this term and the contextualisation of the "Alternative Afrikaans movement". The politico-linguistic premises and publications of the "Alternative movement", as an ideological opposition to Standard Afrikaans or "Establishment Afrikaans", have not yet been sufficiently and critically evaluated. The aim of this thesis is to investigate the origin of the term "Alternative Afrikaans" and the politico-linguistic "agenda" of the "Alternative movement", with analogical reference to the political factors surrounding the rise and "canonisation" of Standard Afrikaans, the establishment of (white) Afrikaner hegemony and the concomitant division within the Afrikaans language community. In the first chapter the sociology of language and language politics are discussed, and terms such as "politics", "power" and "ideology" and the various ways in which they may be connected with language, are examined. The field of "Critical Linguistics" and Gramsci's hegemonic model are discussed as partial theoretical frameworks for this study. In the second chapter the language politics of Standard Afrikaans is discussed on the basis of the following themes: Afrikaner Nationalism and Afrikaans, the politicisation and mythologising of the ontogenesis of Afrikaans, and the Afrikaans language movements. "Alternative", demythologising views, contrary to the "standard" views on these themes, are discussed. The develpment of an alternative hegemony, linked with the "Alternative movement" and "People's Education", is considered in chapter three and the term "Alternative Afrikaans" is analysed. The "Alternative movement" is analysed as "language movement". In chapter four the ideology of "liberation" in a number of texts associated with "Alternative Afrikaans" is analysed on the basis of various techniques used in critical discourse analysis. Manipulative and propagandistic discursive practices are highlighted. The "depoliticisation" and "democratisation" of Afrikaans are considered in the final chapter. It is argued that "Alternative Afrikaans" is based on a specific agenda of political mobilisation, that this variety is a politicised "ideological metalect" of Afrikaans and ultimately a "label" for an "ideology of liberation" with regard to the prevailing hegemonical structures / Afrikaans & Theory of Literature / D. Litt. et Phil. (Afrikaans)

Dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the academic requirements for the Master of Technology Degree: Graphic Design, Durban University of Technology, 2011. / In this dissertation I examine of the role of graphic design in the struggle for social justice in South Africa - with specific reference to the concept of human rights. I am motivated by an overwhelming awareness that the Bill of Rights in post-apartheid South Africa exists in striking contrast to the daily struggles for human dignity. In addressing this contradiction I present a historical examination that focuses on the visual impact of the creative combination of images and text to effect socioeconomic and political change. Drawing from Steve Biko’s philosophy of psychological liberation and Paulo Freire’s educational philosophy for critical thinking, I distinguish between propaganda and education. I take the stand that people are not really free if they blindly accept the myths of the established state order and I explore the various ways in which society is misguided by these myths. I argue that unlike graphic design that maintains the status quo and represents the propaganda of the established order, ‘graphic design for social justice’ represents the voice of people’s power against state power. Through this study and practice I conclude that the role of graphic design for social justice in South Africa is to uncover the myths of state power by presenting scenarios that encourage critical thinking, dialogue and open debate about power and the abuse of power in the continued struggle for human dignity. It is intended that this body of work, and the exhibition that results from it, contributes in part to the writing and documentation of a history of South African socio-political graphics. / National Research Foundation

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Globally as well as nationally, AIDS is politically contested. Since AIDS was first identified in 1981 there have been several responses to the pandemic, reflecting AIDS’ biomedical, political and social nature and implications. Although there are many ways to frame and approach AIDS, no single approach appears to be universally superior to any other, especially as these various approaches are essential for a comprehensive global response to the pandemic. However, these several responses can also represent contested constructs of how AIDS is inter-subjectively problematised based on different ontological understandings and epistemological preferences. The existence of such contested constructs suggests that multilateral AIDS governance is shaped by binaries and zero-sum games where the overall approach ought to be holistic. As such, some scholars claim that HIV is increasingly treated as something medical, and outside the context of overall development issues, sexual and reproductive health, human rights and structural violence. Recently, Vanwesenbeeck (2011) offered a simplified model of ‘high-road’ and ‘low-road’ solutions to the pandemic, problematising specifically the global policy/political response. Vanwesenbeeck’s model suggests that biomedical, vertically distributed and asexual high-road approaches are prioritised at the expense of the more community oriented, sexual and rights-based low-road approaches. This, Vanwesenbeeck argues, is because current ideas and norms of the market, moralism and medicalisation are more aligned with the de-contextual, de-sexual and quantifiable characteristics of high-road approaches. This study tests the analytical utility of Vanwesenbeeck’s model with a case study of the policy and political narratives emerging from the International AIDS Society’s nine International AIDS Conferences from 1996 until 2012. The research question this study investigates is thus: Can Vanwesenbeeck’s (2011) model of high-road and low-road solutions be identified in and illuminate the policy ideas, problem definitions and political binaries that play out in the discourse surrounding the biennial International AIDS Conferences between 1996 and 2012? This main research question is complemented by three sub-questions concerning 1) the strengths and limitations of Vanwesenbeeck’s model, 2) the general trends and developments in global AIDS policy/political responses during, before and after the biennial International AIDS Conferences and 3) the impact of the Global Financial Crisis on the global AIDS response. Applying a qualitative methodology, the study finds that Vanwesenbeeck’s model can both be identified in and elucidate the political discourses, policy implementations and binaries surrounding the International AIDS Conferences between 1996 and 2012, albeit not all. The analytical utility of Vanwesenbeeck’s model is limited by oversimplification of the highroad/ low-road binary and the exclusion of alternative ideas for high-road prioritisation, such as humanitarianism, securitisation/sensationalism and the neoliberal ideological link between medicalisation and the market, as well as negligence of the impact of the Global Financial Crisis. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Vigs is internasionaal sowel as nasionaal polities omstrede. Sedert Vigs die eerste keer in 1981 geïdentifiseer is, was daar al verskeie reaksies op die pandemie wat die biomediese, politieke en maatskaplike aard en implikasies van die siekte weerspieël. Hoewel daar verskillende maniere is om Vigs te beskou en te benader, blyk geen enkele benadering universeel superieur te wees nie, veral aangesien al hierdie verskillende benaderinge noodsaaklik is vir ’n omvattende globale reaksie op die pandemie. Tog kan hierdie verskillende reaksies ook as betwiste konstrukte beskou word van hoe Vigs intersubjektief op grond van verskillende ontologiese begrippe en epistemologiese voorkeure geproblematiseer word. Die bestaan van sulke betwiste konstrukte gee te kenne dat multilaterale Vigsbestuur deur binêre en nulsombenaderinge gekenmerk word, terwyl die algehele benadering veronderstel is om holisties te wees. Sommige vakkundiges beweer dan ook dat MIV al hoe meer as ’n mediese probleem hanteer word, buite die konteks van oorkoepelende ontwikkelingskwessies, seksuele en voortplantingsgesondheid, menseregte en strukturele geweld. Vanwesenbeeck (2011) het onlangs ’n vereenvoudigde model van sogenaamde ‘grootpad-’ en ‘smalpadoplossings’ vir die pandemie aan die hand gedoen wat spesifiek die algehele beleids-/politieke reaksie problematiseer. Vanwesenbeeck se model voer aan dat biomediese, vertikaal verspreide en aseksuele grootpadbenaderinge dikwels ten koste van die meer gemeenskapsgerigte, seksuele en regtegebaseerde smalpadbenaderinge gekies word. Dít, reken Vanwesenbeeck, is omdat huidige denke en norme met betrekking tot die mark, moraliteit en medikalisasie eerder met die kontekslose, geslaglose en kwantifiseerbare kenmerke van grootpadbenaderinge strook. Hierdie studie het die analitiese nut van Vanwesenbeeck se model getoets met behulp van ’n gevallestudie van die beleids- en politieke narratiewe uit die Internasionale Vigsvereniging se nege internasionale vigskonferensies vanaf 1996 tot 2012. Die navorsingsvraag van hierdie studie was dus: Kan Vanwesenbeeck (2011) se model van grootpaden smalpadoplossings geïdentifiseer word in, en lig werp op, die beleidsidees, probleemomskrywings en politieke teenpole wat uit die diskoers by die tweejaarlikse internasionale vigskonferensies vanaf 1996 tot 2012 gespruit het? Hierdie hoofnavorsingsvraag is aangevul deur drie verdere vrae oor (i) die sterkpunte en beperkinge van Vanwesenbeeck se model, (ii) die algemene tendense en ontwikkelings in wêreldwye beleids-/politieke reaksies op Vigs gedurende, voor en na die tweejaarlikse internasionale Vigskonferensies, en (iii) die impak van die wêreldwye finansiële krisis op die wêreldwye Vigsreaksie. Met behulp van ’n kwalitatiewe metodologie het hierdie studie bevind dat Vanwesenbeeck se model wél geïdentifiseer kan word in, en lig werp op, sommige van die politieke diskoerse, beleidsinwerkingstelling en teenpole waartoe die internasionale vigskonferensies tussen 1996 en 2012 gelei het. Die analitiese nut van Vanwesenbeeck se model word egter beperk deur die oorvereenvoudiging van die grootpad-/smalpad-teenpole en die uitsluiting van alternatiewe idees oor die prioritisering van grootpadoplossings, soos filantropie, sekuritasie/sensasionalisme en die neoliberale ideologiese verband tussen medikalisasie en die mark, sowel as die verontagsaming van die impak van die wêreldwye finansiële krisis.

This thesis explores the ways in which the local socio-political and historical context shapes immigrants lives with particular attention to the role of the state, local culture and region in their new racialisation.

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