Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hong Kong, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 75-79). Also available in print.

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Many scholars have noted the increasingly widespread combination of politically-relevant information and entertaining or sensational media formats and presentational styles over the past several decades, falling broadly under the umbrella term of ‘infotainment.’ However, in spite of this burgeoning infotainment literature very little research has been done on the nature and dynamics of infotainment within the Canadian context. This is especially true of research on infotainment within Canada’s traditional news media outlets. To being filling this gap, this study undertakes a mixed-methods content analysis of Canadian newspapers’ coverage of the 2019 federal election to evaluate the scope and nature of infotainment therein. Building off of a systematic review and mapping of the existing infotainment literature, this study develops a comprehensive conceptual and analytical framework for defining and evaluating infotainment characteristics within ‘hard news’ coverage. The quantitative and qualitative results are outlined in detail before being evaluated for their potential implications on citizens’ information processing and political knowledge, as well as some broader evaluations of potential implications for Canadian politics. These ethico-political considerations are developed by drawing on insights from a number of literatures, including political psychology and decision-making, strategic voting, and broader media and infotainment research.

This dissertation examines the contribution of user-generated digital content to political candidates' media personas, specifically those of the two major-party contenders in the Texas 2018 Senate midterm election: the incumbent Senator Rafael "Ted" Cruz, and his challenger, Robert "Beto" O'Rourke. Data from online spaces dedicated to each of the candidates on the Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, Reddit, and Tumblr platforms from September 1, 2018 through November 14, 2018 were collected and analyzed using Critical Discourse Analysis. Overall, both pro-Cruz and pro-O'Rourke content spaces emphasized the importance of the authentic performance of ethnic identity. In addition, hegemonic masculinity was upheld as an important marker of a candidate's suitability for public office, while stereotypically feminine behaviors were positioned negatively. Heterosexuality was also characterized as masculine (and therefore more desirable in a political candidate), while homosexuality was associated with femininity. Finally, both Cruz and O'Rourke content made arguments based on the personal characteristics of the candidates. While Cruz supporters tended to use traditional symbols associated with the United States and Christianity, O'Rourke supporters used references to popular culture in their characterizations of the candidates. There was also an elision in both communities between American values, Christian values, whiteness, and capitalism. These findings offer several conclusions about digital political participation in candidate image management. First, users generally extend narratives begun by official campaign materials and popular press coverage. Second, traditionally "American" values were upheld across the political spectrum as important for candidates to embody. Finally, the demographics of different platforms can determine what type of content is predominantly shared, as well as whether and how different affordances are incorporated, such as hashtags. As digital content increasingly plays a role in electoral politics, this study contributes to an understanding of the significance of users' digital political participation in forming candidates' images and garnering support.

Individuals born after 1980 are often immediately labeled with the term, "digital generation". This label assumes that young people are fluent, proficient, and constant users of digital media. This thesis explores digital communication behavior in the context of political communication. This thesis begins with an exploration of how age influences digital political communication, finding that while young people prefer digital media more so than older generations, they are less likely to utilize those media to communicate with government officials.  Following the age comparison, this thesis examines race, income, and education as indicators for digital political communication. This thesis utilizes secondary data analysis of surveys collected by PEW Internet & American Life Project between 2003 and 2009.  The findings herein suggest that although young people prefer digital communication in politics, the millennial generation continues to lag behind older generations in actual digital political communication behavior. Additionally, this thesis finds that young people falling into minority groups, with low-income and low-education are less likely to utilize digital political communication media than older Whites with high-income and high-education. / Master of Arts

There is a separation between interpersonal political communication research and traditional interpersonal communication theory. The current study bridges this divide by introducing social support theory to political communication. Social support has been shown to aid coping, build self-efficacy, and enhance psychological well-being. It is argued that politics can be a source of stress and individuals exchange political social support (PSS) when facing challenges in their political environments. The current study defines the concept of PSS and its applications in political communication through an initial survey-based proof of concept study and an experiment. The first study, a nationwide cross-sectional survey (N = 2004), was conducted through a Qualtrics panel in September 2018 to assess the internal structure of providing and receiving PSS in citizen-to-citizen relationships. A little more than a quarter of the sample (n = 563, 28.1%) reported having received some type of PSS in the past 18 months, and an even larger percentage (n = 728, 36.3%) reported providing PSS during the same time period. Results from a cross-sectional survey reveal a solid percentage of U.S. adults exchanging PSS across many channels (e.g., face-to-face, social media) with a wide range of political phenomena sparking these communicative activities. Building on the survey’s gender and political-specific communicative dynamics, the second study, an online experiment, was conducted in October 2021. In the online experiment, a 2 (politician’s gender: male vs. female) x 2 (politician’s party identification: Democrat vs. Republican) x 4 (message levels) x 2 (citizen’s gender: Male vs. female) x 2 (citizen’s party identification: Democrat vs. Republican) between-subject design, provides a theoretical rationale on how the gender and the political identification in citizen-to-politician relationships are associated with the level of perceived social support. Results from the experiment reveal that the level of social support messages that include different numbers of social support components does not have an effect on the level of perceived PSS. However, the characteristics of politicians and the gender of politicians and citizens were significant in predicting the higher PSS. Theoretical and practical implications for the theory advancement and future research are explored. / Media & Communication

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Serving as the national soothsayer for citizens and political elites alike, the President of the United States looks to and predicts the future. When presidents try to gain influence today, they predict tomorrow. Expectations, or future-oriented statements made by the president, are a prominent attribute of presidential communication. This dissertation engages “future talk” by examining how presidents construct expectation frames as well as how the public reacts to presidential discussions about the future. I answer two main questions in this research. First, how often and under what circumstances do presidents construct expectations? Second, how do expectations affect the citizens who encounter them? I employed a multi-methodological approach to analyze the content and effects of expectation frames. First, I content analyzed a sample of State of the Union addresses and signing statements from the presidencies of Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama, as well as a sample of tweets from the White House Twitter feed in the Obama administration. The analytic approach captured patterns of expectation emphasis and de-emphasis within a communication as well as accounted for variation across presidential communications due to external political and communicative factors. Second, I conducted a between-subjects experiment to test the effects of expectation frames on individuals. I examined how the type of expectation frame influences perceptions about the future and the president. This research uncovers that presidents strategically construct expectations and can influence how individuals think about the future. Presidents engage in deliberate actions to target the settings where expectations are framed, the agents responsible for the future, and the policies associated with tomorrow. In turn, citizens attend to how presidents frame the future and are influenced as a result of encountering future frames. The results of this dissertation illuminate critical facets of presidential communicative leadership of public opinion as well as elite influence within government. The president’s prominence in American life should force our attention to how the chief executive divines and shapes the future for citizens and intergovernmental agents. / text

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