This thesis examines the 1Malaysia campaign, an initiative by the Malaysian state that seeks to address ethnic and religious divisions and economic inequality in the country to for continued political stability and economic growth. This campaign seeks to promote unity among the nation’s diverse population. The thesis uses the concept of political technologies to analyze the 1Malaysia campaign and show how it draws on, but also differs from other similar strategies in the nation’s history. I will analyze the ways that the state in colonial and post-colonial Malaysia created political tools to manage diverse ethnic and religious groups. This thesis addresses a shift in state policy that may offer insights into the strategies pursued by other postcolonial governments that have diverse ethnic and religious groups. I argue that the political technologies prior to the 1Malaysia campaign had created and maintained ethnic and religious divisions in Malaysia, particularly leading to the implementation of affirmative action policies that benefitted only specific ethnic and religious groups. I contend that the ruling Barisan Nasional (National Front) party views ethnic and religious divisions as a problem and hindrance to economic growth and modernization. It is also trying to define what it is to be Malaysian by creating and fostering its definition of unity and tolerance to be practiced by its citizens. Lastly this work will also examine opposing views of unity and multiculturalism from emerging film movements and public demonstration in Malaysia. This will highlight that the ruling government is facing opposing views to creating solidarity and further highlighting that this nation is going through a period of transition in defining multiculturalism. / Graduate

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:47:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniel_Godoy_Dissertacao.pdf: 2352040 bytes, checksum: 1a44705f8a05c984bb2637822fc55d7c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-03 / This scientific research is a case study, which examined the education management and control of performance in Brazil through the case of the Index of Basic Education Development - IDEB established by Presidential Decree 6094 of 2007. The case of IDEB was studied by means of trimming the institutionalization process, for observation of their status as informational and device control, seeking to understand how this device is now operated as a political technology governance education. The methodology used, therefore, was the case study complemented by a critical discourse analysis, used to analyze the speeches and the statements found on the fluidity of discursive communities in ORKUT ®, texts of interviews with experts, newspaper articles and politics texts. In this study, we identified the articulated presence in the educational politics texts and in the content of research on educational inequalities, and the presence of speeches about field arrangement and discourses about the geographies of opportunities. It was therefore possible realize and reveal, marks of a new phase of rationality in educational planning focused on the control and regulation of education through the use of performativity and management, as tools of political language and technologies of governance policies which trend to promote inter-sectoral policies and public policy programs. Thus, in the first decade of this century, two political technologies stand out: Performativity and management for governance. And as the institutionalization of counter IDEB, it was observed that its effect on the performative public discourse, instead of promoting a national mobilization on behalf of education trends to have opposite effects. The IDEB manifests with the voices of teachers and the population as a device for disqualification and depreciation of education / A presente pesquisa analisou a gestão da educação e o controle dos desempenhos no Brasil através do estudo do caso do Índice de Desenvolvimento da Educação Básica IDEB, instituído pelo Decreto Presidencial 6.094 de 2007. Através do estudo de caso, foi possível investigar o processo de institucionalização desse indicador educacional, observando seu estatuto de dispositivo informacional e de controle, percebendo como este dispositivo passa a ser operado como uma tecnologia política de governança. A metodologia utilizada, portanto, foi o estudo de caso, complementado por uma análise crítica do discurso, a qual foi utilizada para analisar os discursos e os enunciados encontrados na fluidez discursiva de redes de relacionamentos sociais na internet, textos de entrevistas com especialistas e textos jornalísticos. Utilizando contribuições de Paolo Virno, Antonio Negri, Michel Hardit, Michel Foucault, Gilles Deleuze e Steffen Ball, foi possível identificar as presenças articuladas nos textos de políticas educacionais e nos textos de pesquisas sobre as desigualdades educacionais, dos discursos do ordenamento territorial e dos discursos sobre as geografias das oportunidades. Foi, portanto, possível perceber e evidenciar, marcas de uma nova fase da racionalidade do planejamento educacional voltada para o controle e para a regulação da educação, mediante o uso da performatividade e da gestão, como ferramentas de linguagem política e de tecnologias políticas de governança, que tendem a promover a inter setorialidade das políticas públicas

В данной работе автор подробно рассматривает теоретические аспекты феномена политический бренд, разграничивая его с понятиями «бренд», «имидж», «торговая марка», «политический имидж» и «политическая репутация». Исходя из объекта политического бренда и роста конкурентноспособности регионов и городов, автор выделяет территорию как перспективное направление политического брендинга. В условиях медиатизации и виртуализации политики и изменения поведения граждан социальные сети трансформируются в основной канал политической коммуникации. В связи с этим знания и навыки политического SMM, способствующие управлению данными сетями, становится определяющими в политическом маркетинге, в том числе и в политическом брендинге. Для применения теоретических воззрений автор рассмотрел Муниципальную программу «Екатеринбург – столичный город» на 2017-2020 годы с точки зрения определения основной идеи бренда территории, выбора целевой аудитории и характера предлагаемых мероприятий. Также автор проанализировал городские сообщества Екатеринбурга в социальной сети «Вконтакте», официальные страницы Е.В. Куйвашева и Е.В. Ройзмана. На основе изученного материала были выработаны основные положения по работе с социальными сетями в целях продвижения политического бренда территории. / The author of master's thesis describes in detail theoretical aspects of the political brand and demarcates it from terms like as “brand”, “image”, “trademark”, “political image” and “political reputation”. The writer defines territory as promise direction of political branding on the base of object of political brand and the growth of competition between regions and cities. Social networks transformed in the main channel of political communication in conditions of the mediatisation and virtualization politics and changing in the citizen's behavior. Thus, knowledge and skills of political SMM intended to management of these media are determinative instruments in political marketing and political branding. To apply the theoretical reflections were examined municipality’s program «Yekaterinburg – the capital city” for 2017-2020 in that describes the main idea of place branding, to choose of targeted audience and proposed format events. Also were analysis city groups (Yekaterinburg) in social media “Vkontakte”, E.V. Kuivashev’s and E.V. Roizman’s official accounts. Because of studied data developed the main rules with social networks for intended promoting political brand’s territory.