Between 1955 and 1984, the Reverend Robert Schuller’s Garden Grove Community Church in Orange County, California, blossomed into a ten-thousand-member congregation of regional and national prominence. Straddling the line between evangelical and mainline Protestantism, the church was emblematic of conservative American Christianity in the second half of the 20th century. Likewise, Orange County was the quintessential sprawling, decentralized, postindustrial suburban region. Garden Grove Community Church and Orange County grew together at an exponential rate in the postwar era. Through participation in the devotional, social, and organizational activities of the church, Schuller’s congregation actively constructed their personal and collective identities. They made meaning out of their suburban lives in ways that had long-term political and economic implications for the county, the region, and the country. The church offered cultural, spiritual, and ideological coherence to a community of corporate, white-collar transplants with few social roots. The substance of that coherence was a theology conflating Christianity with meritocracy and entrepreneurial individualism. The message resonated with “Sun Belt” suburbanites who benefited from systemic class- and race-based metropolitan inequality. Schuller’s message of self-reliance and personal achievement dovetailed with a national conservative repudiation of the public sector and collective responsibility that originated in the suburbs. This drive to eviscerate the American New Deal political order state was nearly unstoppable by the early 1980s, and it received theological aid from institutions like Garden Grove Community Church.

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This thesis examines the safety policies implemented by three British Columbia forestry companies between 1943 and 1968. Companies sought to increase the efficiency of their operations by reducing the number of compensable accidents and fatalities among their workers. These companies, along with other member-companies in the BC Loggers Association and BC Lumber Manufacturers Association, took the lead in creating a safety regime in BC’s coastal forest industry, but were joined in the endeavor by the provincial Workmen’s Compensation Board (WCB) and the forest workers’ union, the International Woodworkers of America. In order to obtain worker consent for new safety programs, companies targeted worker’s masculinity. Workers who had seen themselves as following in the footsteps of the rugged and independent Paul Bunyan were a problem for companies who wanted to create a sense of mutual responsibility for safety across their entire workforce. Safety programs, accordingly, were heavily gendered and promoted a white, hetero-patriarchal masculinity. This masculine ideal was intended to reduce worker’s willingness to take unnecessary risks. In the later years of this study, companies obtained greater control over the work process by introducing tight controls over the work process in the name of safety. Overall, efforts by companies, as well as the union and the WCB, were successful in reducing many of the hazards of working in forestry by the later 1960s. However, many of the dangers in this industry persist into the twenty-first century. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / This thesis looks at the safety policies implemented by three British Columbia forestry companies between 1943 and 1968. Companies sought to increase the efficiency of their operations by reducing the number of compensable accidents and fatalities among their workers. They took the lead in creating a safety regime in forestry, but were joined in the endeavor by the provincial Workmen’s Compensation Board (WCB) and the forest workers’ union, the International Woodworkers of America. Safety programs were heavily gendered, with companies promoting a hetero-patriarchal masculinity in an attempt to reduce worker’s risk-taking. Efforts by companies, as well as the union and the WCB, were successful in reducing many of the hazards of working in forestry. However, many of the dangers in this industry persist into the twenty-first century.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--RAND Graduate School, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references.

The Allied Occupation of Germany, 1945-49, was intended to transform the war-torn Third Reich into a peaceable nation through a series of far-reaching political, economic, and social reforms. But amid the growing tensions between East and West these radical plans would be significantly altered, culminating in the formation of two German states in 1949. Historians have tended to view the occupation as a backdrop to the nascent Cold War or a transitional period in the history of modern Germany. Yet this thesis suggests that British participation in the Allied occupation was, in fact, much more than simply an exercise in political pragmatism or a contribution to the rebuilding of war-torn Europe. Rather, this undertaking catalysed Britain's political and public confrontation with Nazism, laying some of the most significant and durable foundations of the postwar Anglo-German relationship. This research utilises contemporary mass media sources and official records to explore British images and perceptions of Germany under occupation, scrutinising the interactions of decision-makers, the media, and the public. It begins with an examination of the pervasive culture war that emerged in wartime Britain over the precise interpretation and resolution of the so-called 'German problem'. The thesis then goes on to consider public portrayals of the occupation vis-à-vis the evolution of official policy, beginning in the summer of 1945 when British policymakers responded to popular demands for a 'hard peace' and approved a rigorous programme of denazification, re-education, and demilitarisation. In the coming years, scandals engulfed the public image of the British occupiers, threatening to undermine Britain's claims on 'winning the peace' and even prompting an official public relations campaign. The mass market press led calls for an abrupt end to the occupation, fearing it was undermining the nation's prestige while failing to adequately address the threat still posed by Germany. At around the same time, Britain's political and military leaders reassessed their position in the face of the Cold War, turning towards the reconstruction and rehabilitation of western Germany. By 1949, a clear dichotomy had emerged, with implications reaching far beyond the immediate postwar period: while anxieties over the 'German problem' remained largely intact amongst substantial sections of the British press and public, with many regarding the occupation as an abject failure, policymakers were firmly set on the path towards Anglo-German reconciliation and alliance.

Promoting the rule of law is vital for the success of domestic and international postconflict state-building efforts. Yet in post-conflict settings, non-state justice systems handle most disputes, retaining substantial autonomy and authority. Legal pluralism's importance, however, is rarely recognized and dramatically under-theorized. This thesis demonstrates that multiple justice systems can co-exist and contribute to the development of a democratic state bound by the rule of law. Domestic and international efforts, however, must be cognizant of the overarching legal pluralism paradigm that exists when trying to build the rule of law and tailor their strategies accordingly. By drawing on two divergent case studies, Timor-Leste and Afghanistan, this dissertation examines the conditions under which the rule of law can be advanced in post-conflict settings featuring a high degree of legal pluralism and substantial international involvement. Four distinct legal pluralism paradigms are proposed - combative, competitive, cooperative, and benign - in order to understand how legal pluralism functions in practice. Timor-Leste successfully advanced the rule of law because the major parties remained committed to democracy and developed institutions promoting accountability, inclusivity, and legality. The state meaningfully collaborated with key non-state actors. While the process was imperfect, Timorese state-officials effectively mediated between the international community and local-level figures. This contributed to the effective transformation of a competitive legal pluralist environment into a cooperative one. The international community largely reinforced these positive trends. Conversely, Afghanistan's post-2001 regime squandered the opportunity to build a democratic state bound by the rule of law. Simultaneously, it failed to mediate between the international community and the tribal and religious authorities essential for legitimate rule. Despite international actor's substantial influence, external aid did little good and was often counter-productive. These divergent approaches helps explain judicial state-building's failure and the corresponding slide from competitive into combative legal pluralism against the Taliban.

A survey and assessment of Canadian monetary conditions and policies during the period from the end of World War II to the end of 1951, with particular reference to the two periods of rapid inflation (July 1946 to December 1948 and July 1950 to December 1951). / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

This thesis examines grassroots peace building in Kosovo during the period 2001 - 2008 and seeks to understand how international actors have best supported, or otherwise, a process of deepening peace at this level. The research centres on analysis of thirty-three in-depth interviews with the main actors from this field. Through analysing interpretations of peace and peace building in Kosovo, I identify a contradiction between on the one hand, the dominant approach of building peace through relationships (favoured by international actors); and on the other, the need for peace to address personal needs. This means helping individuals come to terms with the past, and affecting a broader normalization of people’s everyday lives. I assert that a ‘deepening’ of peace in Kosovo will ultimately come about through offering young people more opportunities to ‘open up their hearts and minds’ - to broaden their horizons in ways that they feel empowered to view themselves and the world around them through a critical lens. This research identifies negative attitudes and behaviours amongst external actors in Kosovo, and illustrates how our personal qualities and conduct are of primary importance when it comes to peace building. In doing so, I identify a need for a higher level of self-awareness, commitment and empathy amongst external actors. Whilst reports have emerged which seek to evaluate the impact of peace building in Kosovo, this research examines the experiences of those engaged in such endeavours and encompasses a strong story-telling element. It also seeks to ground the issues at stake within a broader understanding of Kosovo’s social and historical landscape.

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Technology: Public Management, Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2016. / Corruption has increasingly become a challenging issue that undermines peacebuilding processes. Anti-corruption efforts therefore constitute one of the ways of building and sustaining positive peace. Attempts to combat corruption generally follow one of three strategies which include: developing legal and punitive frameworks, establishing investigative and preventive mechanisms and promoting ethical values-based approaches. The present study has explored corruption in Rwanda and has highlighted the necessity of developing anti-corruption education as a way of combatting corruption. The first part of the study has used focus group discussions and interviews to collect information on corruption in Rwanda while the second part consists of experimental interventions organized to test an anti-corruption education curriculum. It has been realized that Rwanda, if compared with other African countries, has made remarkable progress in terms of fighting against corruption. However, the country still has a long way to go in order to achieve its ambition of building a corruption-free nation. The educational strategies to ensure the promotion of ethical values-based approaches have been found the weakest aspect of the anti-corruptioan campaign in Rwanda. This study has emphasized the necessity of involving children in the combat against corruption. Inspired by the Ubupfura ethical values, which are embedded in Rwandan culture, the study has proposed an anti-corruption curriculum for Rwandan children under the name of Nibakurane Ubupfura. Through the experimental interventions and preliminary evaluation of the curriculum, it has been demonstrated with evidence that the proposed anti-corruption education, applying an Ubupfura model, could significantly contribute to equipping children with the skills needed to disassociate and distance themselves from corrupt practices. With reference to the short-term impact of the experimental intervention conducted in this study, it leaves no doubt that the continous use of this education curriculum will help children to develop attitudes and behaviors that resist corruption. It is argued in this study that an effective campaign against corruption should consider promoting anti-corruption education with the aim of enabling present and future generations to maintain and live out the Ubupfura ethical values. Considering the link between anti-corruption and peacebuilding efforts, as explained in this study, it is underlined that efforts continuously made to raise such generations could undoubtedly move Rwandan society toward sustainable positive peace. / D

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Management Sciences: Public Management, specialising in Peacebuilding, Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2016. / Post-conflict countries have a range of needs of interventions in the reconstruction efforts. These efforts require immediate, medium and long term interventions. DDR process require the immediate restoration of security which requires demobilization in the both the regular army and armed groups. Demobilized combatants need to be economically and socially re-integrated in their local communities. Therefore governments through demobilization commissions or programmes ensure that ex-combatant is re-integrated as matter of governments’ responsibility. In the specific case of this research, former members of armed groups from DRC and former RDF soldiers all members of an Agricultural cooperative based in Jabana (Kigali City) have been participants to this research which is by nature an action research project aiming most importantly on participation outputs oriented to learning. Before this project, economic, political, social and psychological dimensions among the ex-combatants were frustrating. However, after this project, the following were discovered: Economically, the approaches that have been used allowed ex-combatants to learn basic and necessary skills of creative entrepreneurship while working in corporate setting. Socially, this research discovered that the nature of research requires working in group settings in addition to personal and collective participation toward the attainment of the project’s objectives. Working in group settings is the social cohesion that originates from sharing common goals, interests, successes and failures if any. In addition, group members became best friends among themselves and relied on each other in time of need. At psychological level, ex-combatants have gained self-confidence, self-trust, and removal of past negative clichés that they used to hold against each other. Finally, in the implementation of this research, aspects of peace-building, together with unity and reconciliation and peace-building in its broad term has been witnessed from its outset to the concluding phase of the research. Recommendations were devised; some are formulated towards ex-combatants at individual level and others for RDRP. / D