Over the last four decades national environmental groups have become an important means of political participation for many British citizens. Since the mid-1980s these organizations have established a number of local groups. There are still some gaps in our understanding of these groups, particularly relating to participation at the grass-roots level. This investigation examines the British environmental movement, focusing on those who become coordinators of local groups, and attempts to find the correlates of their environmental activism. The research reviews the existing empirical data relating to environmental activism, and theoretical accounts relating to participation. It also considers the significance of the emergence of postmaterial values, and looks at the theoretical framework that informs environmental activism. The hypothesis that the conservation and ecology movements are effectively sub-groups within the broader ecology movement is tested, and the thesis explores the possibility that those who participate in these movements have different socio-demographic and cognitive profiles, and methods of activism. The history and development of environmentalism in Britain is discussed, revealing the fundamental differences between the conservation and ecology movements. To test the hypothesis a national, internet based, questionnaire was conducted. In total, 380 activists were surveyed, all of whom were coordinators of local environmental groups that were affiliated to one of six nationally prominent environmental organisations. The findings of the research indicated that although many national environmental organizations seem to have become closer together in terms of their core beliefs and objectives. There are some notable differences between conservationists and ecologists at the grass-roots level, particularly in relation to sociopsychological variables, and means of participation.

Lorsque s’ouvre le XXe siècle, le marché des vins languedociens est rendu particulièrement instable par les conséquences féroces de la crise phylloxérique : aux vins produits en abondance par les nouvelles vignes du Midi viennent s’ajouter quantités de marchandises fraudées et de vins importés qui saturent d’autant le marché. Dans ce contexte turbulent et nouveau, les négociants languedociens subissent également les effets de ces profonds bouleversements. Intermédiaires essentiels entre la production et la consommation, ils doivent ainsi s’adapter dans leurs pratiques et dans leur inscription au sein de réseaux commerciaux rayonnant principalement sur l’ensemble du territoire national. Au gré de l’étude d’archives administratives, institutionnelles, syndicales, entrepreneuriales et familiales originales sur un temps relativement long, ce travail de recherche analyse de manière diachronique et systémique la trajectoire d’un groupe socio-professionnel hétérogène mais constituant un agent économique homogène. À travers un emboitement d’échelles et une variation des focales de 1900 à 1970, cette étude vise ainsi à décrypter les mécanismes de domination et de rayonnement d’un protagoniste incontournable de l’histoire viti-vinicole française, puis les facteurs de son effacement progressif. S’inscrivant dans la lignée des travaux socio-économiques sur l’histoire de la civilisation viticole languedocienne, cette thèse étudie une figure oubliée de la viticulture méridionale et nationale, le négociant en vins héraultais. Elle réhabilite la destinée d’un acteur majeur de la filière et de la société qui, au rythme des réussites et des épreuves, traduit son apogée puis son déclin. / As the XXth century is opening, the market of Languedoc wines is made particularly unstable by the wild consequences of the phylloxera crisis: wines produced in abundance by vineyards recently planted in the South are added to quantities of cheated wines and imported ones which saturate the market. In these troubled and new circumstances, the wine wholesalers from Languedoc are also affected by these profound upheavals. Indeed, being essential intermediaries between the production and the consumption, they experience numerous transformations in their practices and in their inscription within commercial networks spreading mainly on the national territory. Through the study of original administrative, institutional, labor-union, entrepreneurial and family archives on a relatively long time, this work analyzes in a diachronic and systematic way the trajectory of a heterogeneous social and professional group, yet constituting a homogeneous economic agent. Using different scales and a variation of the focal distances between 1900 and 1970, this study aims at deciphering the mechanisms of domination and influence of a major figure of the French wine-producing history, then the factors of its progressive disappearance. Following the tradition of the socioeconomic works on the wine civilization from Languedoc, this thesis studies a long-time forgotten operator of the southern and national wine-growing industry, the wine wholesaler from Hérault. It redraws the fate of a leading player of the sector, who is facing success and ordeals, conveying its peak then its decline.

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Forskningen om lobbyism i Sverige har hittills i huvudsak fokuserat på riksdagen. I den här uppsatsen undersöks lobbyism på kommunal nivå utifrån ett mottagarperspektiv med fokus på beslutsfattare och deras erfarenheter av lobbyism. Syftet är att belysa hur beslutsfattare i svenska kommunfullmäktige uppfattar att lobbyism går till i sina egna kommuner. Studiens utgångspunkt utgörs av lobbyismens relation till demokrati och i den kvalitativt genomförda undersökningen används en analysram baserad på tre värden för demokratisk lobbyism, benämnda transparens, jämlikhet och etik. Empirin har samlats in genom intervjuer med åtta kommunala fullmäktigeledamöter. Resultaten visar att beslutsfattarna upplever att lobbyism inte alls förekommer i de egna kommunerna, eftersom de har en allmän bild av lobbyism som inte överensstämmer med hur de ser på de påverkansförsök som riktas mot dem i det politiska arbetet. Resultaten visar även att politikerna uppfattar beslutsprocesserna som öppna för insyn och lika tillgängliga för medborgarna. De uppfattar också att de olika intressenter som hör av sig i påverkanssyfte förser dem med sanningsenlig information. Samtidigt finner vi att den typ av påverkan som beslutsfattarna anser faktiskt förekommer i kommunen inte fullt ut når upp till teoretiska krav på transparens, jämlikhet och etik, eftersom en del intressenter till viss del verkar ha större möjlighet till inflytande. / The impact of lobbyist activities on political decision-making has been studied in Sweden mostly on a presumption that these matters take place on a national level. This paper examines lobbyist activities in the local political processes with a perspective from the recipients point-of-view, namely the decision-makers and their experiences from lobbyist influences. The purpose of the study is to illustrate how decision makers in swedish municipal councils perceive lobbying in their own municipalities. In order to investigate the possible implications of these affairs we have conducted a qualitative research, looking into the democratic aspects of lobbying. For this purpose, we have built a theoretical framework based on three core values of democratic lobbying: transparency, equality and ethics. The empirical data has been collected from interviews with eight members of municipal councils. Our main findings show that the decision-makers deny the occurence of lobbying activities in their own municipalities, as they have a general idea of lobbying that is inconsistent with the kind of attempted influence they actually face in their role as politicians. Further findings reveal that politicians perceive the decision-making process as transparent and as equally accessible to citizens. They also perceive that stakeholders provide them with truthful information. In contrast, we find that the kind of influence that decision-makers believe actually occur in the municipality does not fulfill the theoretical requirements for transparency, equality and ethics, as certain stakeholders to some extent seem to have a greater opportunity to influence.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:33:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Renato Jaqueta Benine.pdf: 881117 bytes, checksum: 769e01b12bae463dae3b33a5839031d2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-08-23 / Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie / Lobbying is an expression constantly associated with the defense of private and specific economic interests of a group and with the adoption of shady practices, influence peddling, corruption and exchange of favors. However, this practice which should not be understood from its pathology but from its physiology has become increasingly common, being used not only as a defense mechanism of an economic group, but also as an instrument to promote overall interests in a society. In this scenario, we also have organizations of the emerging Third Sector figuring as actors adopting lobbying strategies. In Brazil, the regulation of lobbying practice is still pending. However, its physiology has deserved a legal and constitutional treatment in the 1988 Federal Constitution. Its protection is observed with the recognition of citizenship and political pluralism as the foundation of the Democratic State ruled by the Law, as well as from the participatory democratic dimension, expressed by the 88 Constitution. The fundamental status of lobbying in the Third Sector also derives from the recognition of fundamental rights and guarantees, including: (a) freedom of assembly; (b) freedom of association; (c) the right to be informed; (d) the right to information ; (e) the right to freedom of opinion and expression of thought; (f) the freedom of intellectual, scientific expression and others; and (g) the right of petition. As to the limits of this practice, they are perceived in its own constitutional provisions to guarantee such protection. Concerning freedom of assembly and freedom of association, the lobbying carried out by Third Sector organizations is thought to be developed for lawful purposes. As to citizenship understood as a duty of solidarity with other members of society it is understood that the Third Sector, in an act of lobbying, must be aware of social concerns like those expressed among the fundamental objectives of our federal republic. Another limit to the Third Sector lobbying is the political equality to which all are endowed with equal rights and freedom in the development of a political action. Thus, no action developed by lobbying organizations of the Third Sector could be generated so as to eliminate or prevent the participation of other interest groups, opposed or not, because dissension is a vital component of our pluralist democracy. / O lobbying é uma expressão constantemente associada à defesa de interesses econômicos, particularistas e específicos de determinado grupo e à adoção de práticas escusas, tráfico de influência, corrupção e troca de favores. Entretanto, essa prática que não deve ser compreendida a partir de sua patologia, mas sim de sua fisiologia tem se tornado cada vez mais usual, sendo utilizada não só como um mecanismo de incidência política de grupos de natureza econômica, mas também como instrumento na promoção de interesses mais gerais de uma sociedade. Nesse cenário, figuram, ainda, como atores a adotar estratégias lobbying, as organizações do emergente Terceiro Setor. No Brasil, a prática de lobbying apresenta-se pendente de regulamentação. No entanto, sua fisiologia encontra, na Constituição Federal de 1988, tratamento jurídico-constitucional. Sua proteção é observada quando do reconhecimento da cidadania e do pluralismo político como fundamentos do Estado Democrático de Direito, bem como a partir da dimensão democrática participativa, expressa pela CF/88. A fundamentalidade do lobbying do Terceiro Setor decorre, ainda, da afirmação de direitos e garantias fundamentais, entre eles: (a) liberdade de reunião; (b) liberdade de associação; (c) direito de se informar; (d) direito à informação; (e) direito de opinião e liberdade de manifestação de pensamento; (f) liberdade de manifestação de atividade intelectual, científica e outras; e (g) direito de petição. Quanto aos limites a tal prática, eles são percebidos nos próprios dispositivos constitucionais a lhe garantirem a referida proteção. Das liberdades de reunião e associação, deduz-se que o lobbying desenvolvido por organizações do Terceiro Setor deve ser realizado para fins lícitos. Já da cidadania compreendida essa como um dever de solidariedade para com os demais membros da sociedade , decorre o entendimento de que o Terceiro Setor, em uma ação de lobbying, deve estar atento aos anseios da sociedade, como aqueles expressos entre os objetivos fundamentais da nossa república federativa. Outro limite ao lobbying do Terceiro Setor consiste na igualdade política para a qual todos são dotados de iguais direitos e liberdades no desenvolvimento de uma ação política. Assim, nenhuma ação de lobbying desenvolvida por organizações integrantes do Terceiro Setor poderia ser engendrada de maneira a eliminar ou impedir a participação de outros grupos de interesses, contrapostos ou não, pois o dissenso consiste em um elemento essencial da nossa democracia pluralista.