This thesis presents a theoretical conceptualization and operationalization for a forthcoming empirical study of the adaptiveness of business associations, labor unions, and environmental organizations to social change since 1960. These three types of interest organizations are selected because they are particularly likely to have become targets of increased popular demands for environmental protection, a value change that has constituted one of the most important aspects of social change during the last three decades. / Master of Arts

published_or_final_version / Public Administration / Master / Master of Public Administration

This study investigates the phenomenon of ethnic interest groups as domestic sources of influence on the making of foreign policy on a cross-national basis. The attempt is made first to develop a framework for comparing theoretically the role of ethnic groups in various governmental systems. Once completed, the various conceptual assumptions are applied to the activities of domestic ethnic interest groups in the United States and Canada concerned with policy for the Middle East and the Arab-Israel conflict. The focus is primarily on the American and Canadian pro-Israel lobbies during the period between October 1973 and September 1982. Data for domestic Arab ethnic constituencies are also considered where relevant, but more as logical counter-points to the North American Jewish communities than as bases for full and complete cross-ethnic comparison. The principal objective of this study is to compare the political influence of two interest groups of the same faith and fundamental purpose but of different systems of government and political cultures.

No description available.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In recent years, so-called "anti-globalisation" protesters have become an expected, though to many an unwelcome feature at almost all meetings of international institutions and at intergovernmental summits. The protesters are usually portrayed as senselessly violent anarchists, ridiculed in the media as eccentrics and outsiders, while academics have as yet paid them little or no attention. This study attempts to determine whether the predominantly negative perception of the protesters is justified, or whether there is some merit to their concerns. The vague umbrella term anti-globalisation protesters tends to disguise the fact that many different and diverse groups are involved in the protest. Elements of social movement studies are drawn upon to structure the analysis of a number of groups that are represented on occasions of protest. The analysis reveals that the protests are well-organised, active in international networks, and rely very much on the internet to co-ordinate their efforts. From the perspective of social movement studies, the anti-globalisation league represents an interesting new phenomenon. This is due to its simultaneous presence in a multitude of countries, as well as its non-state focus. Effectively, the movement transcends state boundaries and state structures. The changing face of international politics is at the root of the formation of the antiglobalisation movement. A perceived loss of sovereignty and increased international multilateral co-operation has reduced the effectiveness of domestic and state-based campaigning and created an opportunity, if not the necessity, to form transnational groups that have international institutions as their focal point of protest. It is submitted that the movement may be a source for unconventional ideas that could go some way in addressing various problems related to the ever-advancing process of globalisation. This may be accomplished by way of greater formalisation of the movement, and possibly with support from other prominent voices who are not anti-globalisation activists as such, yet in essence share many of the concerns of the protesters. In this way, the anti-globalisation movement could develop into a credible entity to complement the functioning of existing international institutions. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Protes aksies teen globalisering is gedurende die laaste paar jare 'n bekende, maar nie noodwendig 'n welkome verskynsel by feitlik alle vergaderings van internasionale organisasies en staatsberade. In die algemeen word die protesteerders beskou as gewelddadige anargiste, en word hulle in die pers as eienaardige buitestaanders beskryf. Academici het tot dusver ook nie veel aandag aan hierdie verskynsel bestee nie. Die doel van hierdie studie is om vas te stelof die meestal negatiewe opvattings van deelname in aktiewe protes teen globalisering geregverdig is. Die besware van die aktiviste is dalk realisties en nie ongegrond nie. Die vae begrip van anti-globalisering protesteerders is misleidend, omdat dit die groot aantal verskillende groepe tydens die protesaksies verberg. Beginsels van sosiale bewegingsstudies is geraadpleeg om die analise van verskeie groepe wat by protesaksies teenwoordig is, te struktureer. Hierdie analise wys dat die deelnemers aan protesaksies goed georganiseerd is, en dat hulle baie aktief is in internasionale netwerke, en hoofsaaklik op die internet staat maak om hulle bedrywighede te koordineer. Vanuit die standpunt van sosiale bewegingsstudies is die anti-globalisering aksie 'n baie interessante verskynsel omdat die beweging in baie lande teenwoordig is, en omdat dit nie staatsentries is nie. Staatsgrense en tradisionele staatstruktuure word dus oorskry. Veranderinge in die internasionale politieke arena is beslis die rede vir die vorming van die anti-globaliseringsbeweging. Dit word beweer dat die toename in internasionale multilaterale samewerking die trefkrag van aktivisme binne die grense en die konteks van die staat verminder het. Die geleentheid, en dalk noodsaaklikheid, is dus geskep om internasionale groepe te vorm wat hul protes op internasionale organisasies fokus. Die studie stel voor dat die beweging dalk die oorsprong van onkonvensionele idees kan wees wat baie van die negatiewe effekte en probleme wat verbonde is met die globaliseringsproses, sal aanspreek en help om hulle op te los. Voordat dit kan gebeur, moet die beweging egter 'n meer formele vorm aanneem, 'n proses wat beslis gesteun sal word deur groepe en indiwidue wat nie noodwendig anti-globalisering aktiviste is nie, maar wel baie van dieselfde belange het. Op hierdie manier sal dit dalk moontlik wees vir die anti-globaliseringsbeweging om "n geloofwaardige entiteit te word, wat die werk van bestaande internasionale organisasies sal komplimenteer.

"The Texas Failure sets forth the thesis that environmental problems are essentially a product of political decisions and that in Texas the political system has failed to respond to environmental problems because it is dominated by polluter-oriented special interests. The argument advanced is that polluter-oriented interests are well protected by state politicians in both the legislature and regulatory agencies of state government. The thesis is organized around an analysis of such political factors as ideology, leadership, decision making and law as they relate to a political consideration of Texas environmental conditions."-- leaf 1.

Na realidade hodierna, faz-se necessária a análise dos grupos de interesse e, especificamente, de suas ações no âmbito político, por meio de pressão, que refletem o papel da sociedade civil organizada, através de microcosmos de atuação, na realização das aspirações populares, em seus diversos setores da vida, tratando-se de instrumentos de manifestação, canalização e consecução de aspirações coletivas. Nas sociedades complexas e heterogêneas, com a emergência de múltiplos anseios advindos da civilização industrial, por vezes conflitantes, denota-se a insuficiência do Estado em atender igualitariamente a todas as demandas, razão pela qual o cidadão não pode se limitar à figura do eleitor, com atuação periódica pelo voto, devendo assumir postura atuante no núcleo governamental. Os grupos de pressão compõem, assim, uma via da intitulada democracia participativa, com nítido papel contramajoritário, refletindo forças sociais que não encontraram respaldo na estrutura representativa clássica e contribuindo para a otimização do processo decisório institucional, ao aproximar o agente público das realidades dos titulares do poder e conferir legitimidade às medidas em cuja elaboração seus destinatários puderam intervir. A ação coletiva encontra-se alicerçada em preceitos constitucionais, como o direito de petição e as liberdades de reunião e de associação, efetivando-se um mecanismo complementar de comunicação entre representante e representado, de modo a alcançar padrões satisfatórios de governança mediante controle vertical, com responsabilidade e eficiência; atentando-se, para tanto, que as pressões grupais não podem ser exercidas através de meios ilícitos de persuasão nem devem ter como objeto pleitos manifestamente ilegais. A necessidade de se coibir as patologias da atividade denominada de lobby, imputando medidas corretivas aos seus desvios e estabelecendo os limites da sua legalidade, eis que se trata de fato relevante do qual o Direito não pode se furtar de reconhecer e normatizar, resulta no foco principal do estudo desenvolvido, pelo qual se pretendeu demarcar as questões primordiais a serem abordadas por ocasião da aprovação de uma lei de regulamentação, que, a despeito dos modelos no Direito Estrangeiro, deve encontrar solução para as particularidades pátrias. / In modern-day, it is necessary to examine interest groups and, specifically, their actions within the political sphere, through the exertion of pressure mechanisms, which reflect the role of organized civil society, across the various microcosms of action, in securing the popular aspirations of the broader population in all sectors of life by means of instruments designed to express, channel, and achieve those collective aspirations. In complex and heterogeneous societies, the States inability, due to the emergence of the multiple, often conflicting, demands of industrial civilization, to meet all of these demands on equal terms and bases is manifest, as a consequence of which citizens cannot limit themselves to the role of mere voters, participating in periodic elections, but must assume an active role at the center of government. In this light, pressure groups constitute a legitimate avenue of participatory democracy, with a distinct counter-majority role, intended to represent social forces without backing from the traditional representative structures and contribute toward the optimization of institutional decision-making by drawing public officials closer to the realities of societys true powerbrokers and conferring legitimacy on those measures which can be developed with the participation of the intended target audience. Collective action is founded on constitutional principles, such as the right to petition and the freedom of assembly and association, thus providing a complementary channel of communication between representatives and constituents, as a means to ensure satisfactory standards of governance through vertical control, accomplished in a responsible and effective manner; while underscoring, in turn, that pressure mechanisms cannot be exercised through unlawful means of persuasion or for the purpose of securing manifestly illegal claims. The need to prohibit the pathologies of lobbying activities through the imposition of corrective measures for misconduct and the establishment of legal limits is the primary focus of this study, which seeks to frame the key question to be addressed upon passage of a law regulating the related activities, one which, notwithstanding the existing models set out Foreign Laws, must offer solutions suited to the countrys national specificities.

O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Orientador: Tullo Vigevani / Banca: Janina Onuki / Banca: Carlos Eduardo Ferreira e Carvalho / Resumo: A forma como os atores domésticos defendem seus interesses econômicos pode influenciar os rumos da política de comércio internacional. Sob tal perspectiva de análise, esta dissertação tem por objetivo demonstrar como os lobistas dos produtores de etanol influenciaram a definição da política agrícola e energética dos Estados Unidos na última década. Com base no modelo de dois níveis proposto por Robert Putnam, foram identificados os grupos ligados à cadeia produtiva do etanol, bem como mapeadas as estratégias adotadas por eles para fazer valer seus interesses tanto na arena eleitoral como nas arenas decisórias dos poderes Executivo e Legislativo. As evidências sugerem que o lobby do etanol utilizou seus recursos financeiros e canais de influência para pressionar os membros do Congresso dos EUA a aprovar leis que concedessem benefícios setoriais na forma de subsídio. Os produtores do etanol fizeram doações aos candidatos em defesa de uma agenda agrícola, aumentando as chances de elegê-los para que representassem seus interesses na Câmara dos Representantes e no Senado; contrataram lobistas e custearam atividades em prol da indústria agrícola nacional; emplacaram representantes em agências do governo; apresentaram a pauta de reivindicações durante os trabalhos dos comitês agrícolas da Câmara e do Senado; e fizeram contribuições para a campanha de reeleição dos congressistas às vésperas das votações dos projetos de lei. Essa estratégia do lobby do etanol se revelou eficiente, visto que no período estudado foram aprovadas peças legislativas que atenderam às suas reivindicações. Por outro lado, o sucesso dos produtores americanos de etanol em suas iniciativas produziu distorções no comércio internacional de produtos agrícolas, prejudicando países em desenvolvimento como o Brasil / Abstract: The way in which domestic actors defend their economic interests can influence international trade. From this perspective of analysis, this Master's thesis aims to demonstrate that ethanol lobbyists influenced the features of U.S. agricultural and energy policy in the last decade. The two-level model proposed by Robert D. Putnam allowed identifying the lobbying groups for the ethanol industry and the strategies by asserting their interests, especially in the electoral arena and in decision arenas in Executive and Legislative decision-making. Evidence suggests that the ethanol lobby has used its financial resources and channels of influence for pressuring Members of U.S. Congress to pass laws providing benefits in the form of sectorial subsidies. Ethanol producers donated money to candidates in defense of agricultural issues, increasing the chances of electing congressional representatives to represent their interests in the House and in the Senate. They engaged in lobbying and financed activities in agricultural defense. They had representatives in government agencies. They presented a list of demands during the work time of the agricultural committees. They contributed to Members of Congress' reelection campaign on the eve of voting of the bills. This strategy of the ethanol lobby was effective because representatives and senators enacted pieces of legislation towards the parochial demand. On the other hand, the triumph of American producers of ethanol created distortions for international trade of agricultural products, harming developing countries like Brazil / Mestre

Na realidade hodierna, faz-se necessária a análise dos grupos de interesse e, especificamente, de suas ações no âmbito político, por meio de pressão, que refletem o papel da sociedade civil organizada, através de microcosmos de atuação, na realização das aspirações populares, em seus diversos setores da vida, tratando-se de instrumentos de manifestação, canalização e consecução de aspirações coletivas. Nas sociedades complexas e heterogêneas, com a emergência de múltiplos anseios advindos da civilização industrial, por vezes conflitantes, denota-se a insuficiência do Estado em atender igualitariamente a todas as demandas, razão pela qual o cidadão não pode se limitar à figura do eleitor, com atuação periódica pelo voto, devendo assumir postura atuante no núcleo governamental. Os grupos de pressão compõem, assim, uma via da intitulada democracia participativa, com nítido papel contramajoritário, refletindo forças sociais que não encontraram respaldo na estrutura representativa clássica e contribuindo para a otimização do processo decisório institucional, ao aproximar o agente público das realidades dos titulares do poder e conferir legitimidade às medidas em cuja elaboração seus destinatários puderam intervir. A ação coletiva encontra-se alicerçada em preceitos constitucionais, como o direito de petição e as liberdades de reunião e de associação, efetivando-se um mecanismo complementar de comunicação entre representante e representado, de modo a alcançar padrões satisfatórios de governança mediante controle vertical, com responsabilidade e eficiência; atentando-se, para tanto, que as pressões grupais não podem ser exercidas através de meios ilícitos de persuasão nem devem ter como objeto pleitos manifestamente ilegais. A necessidade de se coibir as patologias da atividade denominada de lobby, imputando medidas corretivas aos seus desvios e estabelecendo os limites da sua legalidade, eis que se trata de fato relevante do qual o Direito não pode se furtar de reconhecer e normatizar, resulta no foco principal do estudo desenvolvido, pelo qual se pretendeu demarcar as questões primordiais a serem abordadas por ocasião da aprovação de uma lei de regulamentação, que, a despeito dos modelos no Direito Estrangeiro, deve encontrar solução para as particularidades pátrias. / In modern-day, it is necessary to examine interest groups and, specifically, their actions within the political sphere, through the exertion of pressure mechanisms, which reflect the role of organized civil society, across the various microcosms of action, in securing the popular aspirations of the broader population in all sectors of life by means of instruments designed to express, channel, and achieve those collective aspirations. In complex and heterogeneous societies, the States inability, due to the emergence of the multiple, often conflicting, demands of industrial civilization, to meet all of these demands on equal terms and bases is manifest, as a consequence of which citizens cannot limit themselves to the role of mere voters, participating in periodic elections, but must assume an active role at the center of government. In this light, pressure groups constitute a legitimate avenue of participatory democracy, with a distinct counter-majority role, intended to represent social forces without backing from the traditional representative structures and contribute toward the optimization of institutional decision-making by drawing public officials closer to the realities of societys true powerbrokers and conferring legitimacy on those measures which can be developed with the participation of the intended target audience. Collective action is founded on constitutional principles, such as the right to petition and the freedom of assembly and association, thus providing a complementary channel of communication between representatives and constituents, as a means to ensure satisfactory standards of governance through vertical control, accomplished in a responsible and effective manner; while underscoring, in turn, that pressure mechanisms cannot be exercised through unlawful means of persuasion or for the purpose of securing manifestly illegal claims. The need to prohibit the pathologies of lobbying activities through the imposition of corrective measures for misconduct and the establishment of legal limits is the primary focus of this study, which seeks to frame the key question to be addressed upon passage of a law regulating the related activities, one which, notwithstanding the existing models set out Foreign Laws, must offer solutions suited to the countrys national specificities.

published_or_final_version / Housing Management / Master / Master of Housing Management