This PAR project used applied communications to get and use power to influence public policy. Informed by social and policy network theories, the method used Facebook as an organizing tool to create and position a recreation issue network in tension with an environmental policy community, exploring the concepts of layering, conversion, exhaustion, policy image, and venue change in an effort to influence policy. The introduction of a new-media social network as a competing influence in a policy network was an innovation, and demonstrated that the “strength of weak ties” may have implications for policy-making. The study concluded that a Facebook group was an efficient and effective organizing tool, capable of organizing an issue network and disrupting the status quo; however, the tightly coupled nature of a policy community makes it highly resilient to outside influence and an issue network may not gain sufficient influence to change policy. Keywords: Facebook, new-media social network, policy community, issue network, policy image, venue manipulation, layering, conversion, exhaustion

Forskningen om lobbyism i Sverige har hittills i huvudsak fokuserat på riksdagen. I den här uppsatsen undersöks lobbyism på kommunal nivå utifrån ett mottagarperspektiv med fokus på beslutsfattare och deras erfarenheter av lobbyism. Syftet är att belysa hur beslutsfattare i svenska kommunfullmäktige uppfattar att lobbyism går till i sina egna kommuner. Studiens utgångspunkt utgörs av lobbyismens relation till demokrati och i den kvalitativt genomförda undersökningen används en analysram baserad på tre värden för demokratisk lobbyism, benämnda transparens, jämlikhet och etik. Empirin har samlats in genom intervjuer med åtta kommunala fullmäktigeledamöter. Resultaten visar att beslutsfattarna upplever att lobbyism inte alls förekommer i de egna kommunerna, eftersom de har en allmän bild av lobbyism som inte överensstämmer med hur de ser på de påverkansförsök som riktas mot dem i det politiska arbetet. Resultaten visar även att politikerna uppfattar beslutsprocesserna som öppna för insyn och lika tillgängliga för medborgarna. De uppfattar också att de olika intressenter som hör av sig i påverkanssyfte förser dem med sanningsenlig information. Samtidigt finner vi att den typ av påverkan som beslutsfattarna anser faktiskt förekommer i kommunen inte fullt ut når upp till teoretiska krav på transparens, jämlikhet och etik, eftersom en del intressenter till viss del verkar ha större möjlighet till inflytande. / The impact of lobbyist activities on political decision-making has been studied in Sweden mostly on a presumption that these matters take place on a national level. This paper examines lobbyist activities in the local political processes with a perspective from the recipients point-of-view, namely the decision-makers and their experiences from lobbyist influences. The purpose of the study is to illustrate how decision makers in swedish municipal councils perceive lobbying in their own municipalities. In order to investigate the possible implications of these affairs we have conducted a qualitative research, looking into the democratic aspects of lobbying. For this purpose, we have built a theoretical framework based on three core values of democratic lobbying: transparency, equality and ethics. The empirical data has been collected from interviews with eight members of municipal councils. Our main findings show that the decision-makers deny the occurence of lobbying activities in their own municipalities, as they have a general idea of lobbying that is inconsistent with the kind of attempted influence they actually face in their role as politicians. Further findings reveal that politicians perceive the decision-making process as transparent and as equally accessible to citizens. They also perceive that stakeholders provide them with truthful information. In contrast, we find that the kind of influence that decision-makers believe actually occur in the municipality does not fulfill the theoretical requirements for transparency, equality and ethics, as certain stakeholders to some extent seem to have a greater opportunity to influence.

Submitted by Nilton Facci (nfacci@gmail.com) on 2017-06-02T19:58:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 VERSÃO FINAL TESE NILTON FACCI.pdf: 1777888 bytes, checksum: 388d12c8463d43a075c0bd125b81736b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Tereza Fernandes Conselmo (maria.conselmo@fgv.br) on 2017-06-05T23:22:31Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 VERSÃO FINAL TESE NILTON FACCI.pdf: 1777888 bytes, checksum: 388d12c8463d43a075c0bd125b81736b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-06T18:07:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 VERSÃO FINAL TESE NILTON FACCI.pdf: 1777888 bytes, checksum: 388d12c8463d43a075c0bd125b81736b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-19 / The main purpose of this research was to understand aspects of political relations between industrial entrepreneurs in Paraná and the decisions of the Executive and Legislative branches of the State of Paraná, with emphasis on changes in the ICMS tax legislation. Previous studies point out that there are no studies of this size that address these political relations in national subunits, being one of the main contributions of this research. The research is based on studies that confirm the growth of the relevance of industrial entrepreneurs as political actors, mainly since the National Constituent Assembly. With the theoretical support of Political Pluralism, Polyarchy and Logic of Collective Action, the research uses, as a guide for the analysis, the draft laws listed in the Legislative Agenda of the Industry of the State of Paraná elaborated by Fiep, between the years 2005 to 2015. In the analysis it also considers other draft laws in the Legislative that are not in this Agenda. Based on the data obtained through questionnaires and interviews, this research presents, as main result, that the industrial entrepreneurs of Paraná can develop several actions so that they are, increasingly, relevant political actors as to the ability to influence, ethically and lawfully, changes in ICMS tax legislation. The research also highlighted that in other areas of activity, Fiep has achieved several successes, when verified its actions in the scope of the Logic of Collective Action and in the provision of non-selective services. Regarding analyzes of interest groups that put pressure on the state, it should be noted that these can not be limited by pragmatic and statistical indicators. They must also be supported by the understanding of the internal and external contexts of these groups, for it is in this systemic amplitude that these groups must be understood and analyzed. / O propósito principal desta pesquisa foi compreender aspectos sobre relações políticas entre empresários industriais paranaenses frente a decisões dos poderes Executivo e Legislativo do Estado do Paraná, com destaque para alterações na legislação tributária do ICMS. Estudos anteriores ressaltam que não constam pesquisas desse porte que abordam essas relações políticas em subunidades nacionais, sendo essa uma das principais contribuições desta pesquisa. A pesquisa parte da constatação de estudos que confirmam o crescimento da relevância de empresários industriais como atores políticos, principalmente a partir da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte. Com o apoio teórico do Pluralismo Político, da Poliarquia e da Lógica da Ação Coletiva, a pesquisa utiliza como direcionador para as análises os projetos de leis elencados na Agenda Legislativa da Indústria do Estado do Paraná elaborada pela Fiep, entre os anos de 2005 a 2015. Nas análises considera também outros projetos de leis no Legislativo que não estão nessa Agenda. Esta pesquisa, com base nos dados obtidos por meio de questionários e entrevistas, apresenta como resultado principal que os empresários industriais paranaenses podem desenvolver várias ações para que sejam, cada vez mais, relevantes atores políticos quanto a capacidade de influenciar, de forma ética e lícita, alterações na legislação tributária do ICMS. A pesquisa também ressaltou que, em outras áreas de atuação, a Fiep tem conseguido vários sucessos, quando verificadas suas ações no âmbito da Lógica da Ação Coletiva e no fornecimento de serviços nãoseletivos. Acerca das análises sobre grupos de interesses que exercem pressões junto ao Estado, é preciso destacar que essas não podem ser limitadas por indicadores pragmáticos e estatísticos. É preciso que elas também estejam apoiadas pela compreensão dos contextos interno e externo desses grupos, pois é nessa amplitude sistêmica que esses grupos devem ser compreendidos e analisados.

"Le pouvoir n'est rien, seule compte l'influence". Cette pensée du philosophe grec Hérodote constitue le points de départ et le fil conducteur de la présente recherche. Elle pose l'idée de l'influence qui fait partie intégrante du processus décisionnel. La décision politique contemporaine obéit à ce même principe, celui d'un pouvoir qui ne peut plus décider seul, sans concertation, sans choisir de subir la pression des lobbies de toute nature qui se constituent à l'occasion d'une décision (Giuliani, 1991). Le lobbying, en tant qu'activité d'influence, apparaît alors comme un phénomène indissociable de la décision publique. Pour déterminer l'État, il faut alors prendre en considération les « rapports de forces mouvants » (Culpepper et al., 2006) qui y existent. En France, lobbying et groupes d'intérêt connaissent un discrédit qui tend à ignorer le rôle qu'ils peuvent jouer dans les politiques publiques. Les Chambres de commerce et d'industrie font partie de ces groupes qui restent méconnus malgré leur mission de représentation de l'intérêt économique des entreprises. Il est alors intéressant de rendre compte de ce lobbying dans le contexte français à travers l'usage qu'en font les Chambres de commerce et d'industrie. La recherche représente un double intérêt : celui d'étudier un acteur de politique publique original et le répertoire d'action qu'il mobilise pour tenter d'influer sur la décision publique. Ainsi, si Robert Dahl s'interrogeait de savoir « qui gouverne » (1961), il nous apparaît important de nous demander aussi : « comment gouverner » et « avec qui gouverner » aujourd'hui ? Notre recherche vise alors à répondre à la problématique : dans quelle mesure un groupe d'intérêt peut-il concrètement agir sur le processus de politique publique ? Ainsi, pourrons-nous analyser ce que le groupe, notamment ses moyens d'action, enseignent sur le fonctionnement de l'action publique contemporaine, car comme l'avait affirmé Arthur Bentley dès 1908 dans son célèbre ouvrage The process of government : A study of social pressure : « Quand le groupe est expliqué, tout est expliqué ». / As Greek philosopher said: "Power is nothing, influence only countsé". This is the starting point and the thread of this research. It puts down the idea of influence, which is an integral part of the decision-making. The contemporary political decision obeys the same principle, that of a power who cannot decide alone, without consultation, without choosing to undergo the pressure of lobbies of all kinds that are formed in the occasion of a decision (Giuliani, 1991). The lobbying, as an activity of influence, appears then as an inseparable phenomenon of the public decision. In order to determine the State, it is therefore necessary to take into account the "unstable balance of power" (Culpepper et al., 2006) that exists there. In France, lobbying and interest groups are experiencing a discredit which tends to ignore the role that they can play in the public policies. The Chambers of commerce and industry are part of those groups that remain unknown despite their task of representing the economic interests of companies. It is therefore interesting to report this type of French lobbying through the use made from the Chambers of commerce and industry. Our research presents a double interest: to study an original actor of public policy and also the directory of action which he mobilizes in order to try to influence the public decision. So, if Robert Dahl questioned in 1961 about "who governs", it seems important nowadays to wonder about: "how to govern" and "with who"? Our research aims then to answer the following question: to what extent an interest group can concretely act on the public policy process and what does it teach us about the functioning of the contemporary public action? Thus, we can analyze what the group, and in particular its means of action, can teach us about the functioning of the contemporary public action, because as noted by Arthur Bentley, in 1908, in his famous book entitled The process of government: A study of social pressure: “When group is explained, everything is explained”.

Os analistas que se limitam a entender a dinâmica do Setor Elétrico Brasileiro (SEB) com base em estudos técnicos e econômicos deixam de incorporar a seus modelos a força dos fenômenos políticos que também o influenciam. Com receitas anuais superiores a R$110 bilhões (US$ 50 bilhões) em 2005 e uma configuração institucional intrincada, este setor da economia sempre foi fortemente marcado por forças políticas. Para dar um tratamento mais estruturado a tais forças, adota-se como ferramenta analítica a Teoria de Grupos de Pressão desenvolvida por Gary S. Becker, prêmio Nobel de Economia em 1992. Esta teoria expressa a competição entre grupos pela influência política que os mesmos são capazes de exercer e que, em última análise, resulta em benefícios econômicos, representados no modelo de Becker pela diminuição de impostos pagos ou aumento de subsídios recebidos. Este trabalho tem dois objetivos principais: propor uma metodologia de análise de uso político no SEB com base na Teoria de Grupos de Pressão e, pelo estudo de dois casos, examinar hipóteses de uso político no SEB. O primeiro caso observa a evolução de impostos e encargos sobre a tarifa de eletricidade e demonstra como o setor foi crescentemente usado por grupos de pressão política como fonte eficiente de arrecadação de recursos. O segundo caso analisa as regras e resultados de um leilão de energia promovido pelo governo brasileiro e discute hipóteses sobre o impacto de decisões políticas sobre os comportamentos dos competidores. / The analists who explain the dynamics of the Brazilian Electricity Sector (BES) based exclusively on technical and economic studies forego the impact of the political phenomena which also influence this Sector, a sector defined by an intricate institutional framework and which, in 2005, generated over US$ 50 billion in revenues. This configuration has historically made the BES a target for political forces. In order to study such forces in a more structured way, the author adopted as an analytical tool the Pressure Groups Theory developed by Gary S. Becker, Economics Nobel prize winner in 1992. This theory defines the competition between groups by the political influence which such groups are able to exert and which, ultimately, result in economic benefits, represented in Becker´s model by the decrease in taxes paid and by the increase in subsidies received. This document has two main objectives: propose a methodology – based on the Pressure Groups Theory – for the analysis of political use in the BES and, via the study of two cases, examine hypotheses of political use in the BES. The first case observes the evolution of taxes and other subsidies included in the electricity tariff and demonstrates how the sector has increasingly been used by political pressure groups as an efficient source of resources. The second case analyses the rules and results of an energy auction organized by the Brazilian government and discusses hypotheses about the impact of political decisions on the behavior of competitors.

Cette thèse étudie le rôle et l’impact des groupes de pression dans le processus d'adoption d'uneréglementation environnementale. En effet, les controverses scientifiques de ces dernières années(OGM, Médiator, gaz de schiste) nous interrogent sur leurs effets, notamment lorsque la réalisation oul'ampleur d'un dommage environnemental et / ou sanitaire sont incertaines. En particulier, lors d'unedemande d'Autorisation de Mise sur le Marché d'un produit potentiellement dangereux, noussupposons que deux groupes de pression s'affrontent, représentant, respectivement, les intérêts d'uneindustrie et ceux des victimes d'un dommage : le premier milite pour son autorisation et le second pourson interdiction. Dans ce contexte, l'information détenue par le régulateur bénévole est primordiale.Présumant qu’il est inconscient, ex ante, de l'ampleur du dommage, nous nous interrogeons sur lapertinence d'écouter les groupes de pression afin de prendre une décision socialement efficace dans lecas où le groupe industriel fait face à un système de responsabilité, ex post. Pourtant, l'application dece système est imparfaite, suite à l'insolvabilité de l'industriel ou par le fait qu'il ne soit pas poursuiviou reconnu coupable. Lorsque le régulateur prend sa décision après l'affrontement des groupes depression, la mise en place d'un contest séquentiel, avec l'outsider qui joue en premier, est socialementpréférable. Par ailleurs, les conditions sous lesquelles le régulateur doit accorder son attention auxgroupes de pression plutôt que prendre sa décision sur la base d'une analyse coûts-bénéfices, utilisantses croyances a priori sur le dommage, sont caractérisées / This thesis examines the role and the impact of pressure groups in environmental regulation process.Indeed, in recent years, scientific controversies (GMO, Médiator, shale gas) have lead us to wondermore about their effects, especially when the achievement or the extent of environmental damage and /or health are uncertain. In particular, in the context of a market approval process of a potentialdangerous product, we assume that two pressure groups are fighting, representing respectively theinterests of industry and those of victims of damage: the first campaigns for its authorization and thesecond for its prohibition. In this context, information available to the voluntary regulator is important.Assuming that he is unaware of the magnitude of the damage ex ante, we question the relevance ofpaying attention to lobbyists to take a socially efficient decision, in a case where the industrial groupfaces a responsibility system, ex post. However, the application of this system is imperfect, because ofthe insolvency of the industry or by the fact either that the industrial group responsibility is notrecognized, or that the victims group does not request compensation for damages. When the regulatortakes his decision based on a contest, the introduction of a sequential contest in which the outsidermoves first is socially preferable. Moreover, the conditions under which the regulator has to payattention to the pressure groups rather than taking his decision based on a cost-benefit analysis, usinghis prior beliefs on damage, are characterized.

This study explores the range and variance of interest group activity in constituency campaigns in the 1988 federal election as reported in the Constituency Party Association dataset created in 1991 for the Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing. SPSSPC+ was used to analyze the relationships between variables in four main areas: political party affiliation, geographic variables, constituency association characteristics, and the specific issues the interest groups were promoting or opposing. The most significant finding was that interest groups were actively involved in half of the riding association election campaigns, either supporting or opposing local candidates. The cursory treatment of electoral involvement in the interest group literature provides an inadequate explanation for this widespread phenomena. This study provides an initial profile of interest group involvement in constituency campaigns. The exploration of the data revealed that interest groups were more likely to be involved in the local campaigns of candidates associated with the governing party. They were less likely to be involved in Quebec constituency campaigns, and more likely in wealthy competitive riding campaigns. The most frequently mentioned issues that motivated interest groups locally were abortion, followed by free trade. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Why do interest groups participate in state courts of last resort by filing amicus curiae briefs? Are they influential when they do? This dissertation examines these questions using an original survey of organized interests that routinely participate in state supreme courts, as well as data on all amicus curiae briefs and majority opinions in over 14,000 cases decided in all fifty-two state supreme courts for a four year period. I argue that interest groups turn to state judiciaries to achieve the dual goals of influencing policy and organizational maintenance, as amicus briefs can help organized interests achieve both outcomes. Furthermore, I contend that amicus briefs are influential in shaping judicial policy-making through the provision of legally persuasive arguments. The results suggest that interest groups do file amicus briefs to both lobby for their preferred policies and to support their organization's long-term viability. Additionally, the results indicate that organized interests also participate in counteractive lobbying in state courts of last resort by filing amicus briefs to ensure their side is represented and to dull the effect of oppositional amici. The findings also demonstrate support for the influence of amicus briefs on judicial policy-making on state high courts, as amicus briefs can influence the ideological direction of the court's majority opinions. Overall, this research extends our understanding of interest group lobbing in the judiciary and in state policy venues, and provides insight into judicial politics and policy-making on state courts of last resort.

The thesis constitutes a detailed historical reconstruction of the creation, contestation and subsequent amendment of the Imprisonment for Public Protection sentence, the principal ‘dangerous offender’ measure of the Criminal Justice Act 2003. Underpinned by an interpretive political analysis of penal politics, the thesis draws on a detailed analysis of relevant documents and 53 interviews with national level, policy-oriented actors. The thesis explores how actors’ conceptions of ‘risk’ and ‘the public’ interwove with the political beliefs and political traditions relied upon by the relevant actors. It is argued that while there was general recognition of a ‘real problem’ existing in relation to dangerous offenders, the central actors in the creation of the IPP sentence crucially lacked a detailed understanding of the state of the art of risk assessment and management (Kemshall, 2003) and failed to appreciate the systemic risks posed by the IPP sentence. The creation of the IPP sentence, as with its subsequent amendment, is argued to highlight the extreme vulnerability felt by many government actors. The efforts of interest groups and other pressure participants to have their concerns addressed regarding the systemic and human damage subsequently caused by the under-resourcing of the IPP sentence is explored, and the challenge of stridently arguing for substantial change while maintaining ‘insider’ status is discussed. As regards senior courts’ efforts to rein in the IPP sentence, it is argued that the increasingly conservative nature of the judgments demonstrate that the judiciary are not immune from the creep of a ‘precautionary logic’ into British penal politics. Regarding the amendment of the IPP sentence, the Ministry of Justice’s navigation between the twin dangers of a systemic crisis and a political crisis are explored. In conclusion, the IPP story is argued to demonstrate a troubling ‘thoughtlessness’ by many of the key policymakers, revealing what is termed the ‘banality of punitiveness.’ The potential for a reliance on political beliefs and traditions to slip into this thoughtless state, and possible ways of ensuring that such policy issues are engaged with in a more inclusive and expansive manner, are discussed.

Ce mémoire s’est attaché à comprendre les dimensions émergentes de la constitution de l’image d’une organisation. A l’issue de l’étude de la littérature de recherche existante, nous nous sommes intéressée à l’image réfractée, qui est l’image d’une organisation construite par une catégorie de publics nommés arbitres externes. Ce sont les organisations mandatées qui diffusent de l’information au grand public. En adoptant l’approche qualitative, nous avons réalisé une étude du processus de travail des journalistes travaillant pour des journaux différents et des membres des organismes environnementaux dans le cas de la mise en œuvre du projet de loi C-38 du gouvernement fédéral canadien. L’étude empirique nous a permis de proposer un modèle conceptuel du phénomène de la construction de l’image réfractée. Nous avons pu ainsi suggérer d’observer ce phénomène à travers les pratiques de travail des acteurs pour appréhender les dynamiques d’émergence de l’image. Aussi, nous avons insisté sur la pertinence de considérer des paramètres qui constituent le cadre dans lequel se déroule le processus de travail des acteurs appartenant à des communautés de publics différentes. Car ce sont ces paramètres qui engendrent des dynamiques régulant la construction de l’image organisationnelle au sein de chaque communauté de public. / Our research aimed to understand the emergent dimensions of an organization’s image construction. Following the review of existing research literature, we are interested in the refracted image, which is the image of an organization built by a specific public named external arbiters. These external arbiters are mandated organizations that disseminate information to the general public. By adopting a qualitative approach, we conducted a study about the case of the implementation of Bill C-38 by the Canadian Federal Government. Specifically, we examined the working process of two arbiters communities : journalists working for different newspapers, and environmental organizations’ members. The empirical study has allowed us to propose a conceptual model of the construction of the refracted image phenomenon. We thus suggested to observe this phenomenon through the actors’ working practices to understand the emergence of the image dynamics. Also, we emphasized the relevance to consider factors that constitute the framework within which the working process of the actors belonging to different public communities takes place. For it is these parameters that generate the various dynamics regulating the organizational image’s construction by each public community.