Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 1999. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 243-251). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (M.A.) -- Guo li zheng zhi da xue, 1978. / Cover title. Reproduced from typescript. Errata slip inserted. Includes bibliographical references (p.249-259).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri, 1971. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [709]-726).

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As Matthew Arnold saw the philosophies of the classical ancients as touchstones for evaluating the new political and social philosophies of his own time, Arnold himself has served as a "touchstone" for historians who must evaluate the political and social events of the Victorian Age. Arnold made many comments about the three great Prime Ministers of his time: Lord Palmerston, Benjamin Disraeli, and William E. Gladstone, and about the policies of their respective administrations. Arnold's point of view toward these men is reflected in personal letters to members of his family and in his most significant political works, Culture and Anarchy and Friendship's Garland. In the study that follows, these selections are examined in terms of the three Prime Ministers. Chapter I is an introduction to Arnold's political philosophy and an account of Arnold's comments about Disraeli, for of the three, Arnold had the least to say about Disraeli. Arnold dwells almost exclusively on differences he has with the government, and he found less to disagree with in Disraeli's policies than with the others. Arnold's reactions to Disraeli were more personal in nature than political. Chapter II deals with Lord Palmerston's administration and with key events and people associated with it. Chapter III deals more specifically with Culture and Anarchy and with political and social events that served as a background for Arnold's commentary. Finally, Chapter IV concentrates on the Gladstone years, concluding with Arnold's assessment of the Liberal party and its leader in "The Nadir of Liberalism."

This thesis examines American perceptions of William Ewart Gladstone in the religious and secular press from 1868 to 1900. The scope of the study encompasses his role as a Christian apologist and his engagement in public affairs where religion and politics converged. The opinions of Americans are examined in the general categories of evangelicals, Roman Catholics, secular news organs and to a lesser extent Unitarians and agnostics. Gladstone’s reputation in the United States is followed through much of the latter half of the nineteenth century, beginning shortly after the close of the Civil War when Americans in the North held him in disrepute for his impolitic acknowledgement of Southern nationhood. This thesis demonstrates that American opinions of Gladstone were transformed as they increasingly perceived him to be a champion of Liberal reform and religious liberty and, especially for conservative evangelicals, a stalwart defender of Christian truth and civilisation against the rising tide of modern secularism. It also suggests that a pervasive anti-Catholicism inspired many in the United States to support Gladstone’s political causes. Finally, this study demonstrates that Americans projected their own values and myths on to the statesman. For many, he came to embody their progressive worldview with respect to the spread of religious and political liberty.

Thesis (M. A.)--University of Canterbury, 2006. / Typescript (photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 133-145). Also available via the World Wide Web.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität Wien, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 391-409).

Resume The dissertation thesis The Life and Times of Jozef Lenart deals with life and political influence of a Communist politician Jozef Lenart. The work begins with Lenart's childhood in the Slovak countryside and his maturing in the service of Bata concern where Lenart was trained. From depiction of Lenart participation in Slovak uprising author goes to the main topic of the thesis. It is almost 45 years political activity of Lenart in various party's and state functions. During such a long career Jozef Lenart became among others, the prime minister of the Czechoslovakian government and a member of the leading management of the Communist party. Author in direct contradiction to the concept of totalitarianism and widely shared ideas about a party leadership as a monolithic opinion power centres approached political influence of Jozef Lenart as a description of mutual interactions within the dictatorial regime. Author also defined Lenart's political attitudes and affiliation with interest and opinion groups and assessed how successfully Lenart managed to assert his views.

La quêtede l’honneurpeut paraitre désuète de nos jours en Occident mais cela n’est pas forcément le cas si l’on poussait plus loin les analyses. Elle caractérise depuislongtemps les relations entre les décideurs indiens et les dirigeants de la région Asie du Sud. Les relations avec les belligérants sri lankais n’en font pas exception. L’honneur et la gloire sont souvent le produit d’un éthos guerrier et d’une démonstration de virilité de la part des dirigeants politiques et non pas uniquement des militaires.La virilité n’est donc pas biologique mais est un construit politique et social. Les heurts ont été nombreux quant à la résolution du conflit sri lankais.Les décisions, attitudes et actions prises par les Indiens ont été façonnées par les interactions avec leurs interlocuteurs sri lankais et par des éléments extrêmement importants que nous qualifions d’« événements catalyseurs».Après le départ de l’IPKF et l’assassinat de Rajiv Gandhi, les dirigeants indiens ont adopté une autre attitude et des discours plus apaisés vis-à-vis des dirigeants sri lankais tout en refusant de reconnaitre les « Tigres tamouls » (LTTE), une guérilla tamoule au Sri Lanka. La reconnaissance de la part des dirigeants indiens vis-à-vis des décideurs sri lankais a par ailleurs permis la résolution du conflit sri lankais par des moyens militaires. Vingt ans auparavant, cela aurait été totalement inconcevable pour les dirigeants indiens de laisser ainsi faire les décideurs sri lankais. La reconnaissance de part et d’autre a donc pu permettre d’améliorer les relations interpersonnelles et interétatiques indiennes et sri lankaises. / Today, the quest for honor can seemoutdated in Western countries. But for a long timeit has characterizedthe relationships between the Indian decision-makers and the South Asian leaders. Relationships with Sri Lankan protagonists are also shaped by this question of honor but also of glory. Just as the military, political leaders are also influenced by honor and glory which are often produced by a warrior ethos So they want to show their manliness. Virility is not biological but a political and social construct. Throughout the resolution of the Indian-Sri Lankan conflict, numerous clashes took place between between their respective leaders. Decisions, attitudes and actions taken by the Indians have been shaped by their interactions with their Sri Lankan counterparts. And this evolution has also been possible because of “catalyst events”. After the IPKF’s withdrawal and Rajiv Gandhi’s murder,Indian decision-makers refused to recognize the“Tamil Tigers” guerilla (Liberation Tamil Tigers of Eelam, in Sri Lanka. But the Indian Political leaders’ recognition of the Sri Lankan rulersopened the way to a conflict resolution with military means. Twenty-years ago it would have been completely impossible for the Indians to allow the Sri Lankans to have their way.Recognition on both parts have largely improved the Indian and the Sri Lankan interpersonal and interstate relationships.