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Certainty through Flexibility: Intelligence and Paramilitarization in Canadian Public Order PolicingCartier, Brad 28 March 2012 (has links)
This case study explores public order policing at the Vancouver Olympics and G20 Summit in Toronto. The source material is drawn from media coverage of these events. These cases are analyzed using prior theoretical works in order policing in order to achieve two research goals: to discover which theory best explains police actions and the extent of and reasons explaining the involvement of other government agencies in securing protest events in Canada. Using pattern matching methodology, it was found that no one particular theory is best at explaining events at the two cases, rather components of various theories provided the most useful insight. The components of these theories that need to be amalgamated through analytic induction are: the use of intelligence functions; police flexibility; as well as paramilitarization tactics. Finally, it was found that there was a noticeable presence and integration of other government agencies involved in securing both events.
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Fraudulent Elections, Political Protests, and Regime TransitionsManukyan, Alla 14 December 2011 (has links)
This research studies protests after fraudulent elections in a collective action framework, examining the impact of the potential cost, benefit and likelihood of success of protest on the occurrence and intensity of protests. Quantitative analysis of fraudulent elections in about 100 countries from 1990 to 2004 shows that the odds of protest after fraudulent elections are greater when the level of state repression is moderate with a possible backlash effect of high repression, when the opposition is united, and when international monitors denounce election results. The analysis only partially supports the benefit of protest argument. Also, the research uses case studies from Eurasia (Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, and Russia) and mini-case studies from Africa and Latin America to study in more detail the effects of the factors identified in the quantitative analysis and to identify overlooked but important explanatory factors using a set of extensive interviews conducted in the United States and during fieldwork in Armenia, Georgia, and Russia with politicians, domestic and international election monitors, and country experts.
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How the West was lost : Frederick Haultain and the foundation of SaskatchewanThome, Michael Charles 29 June 2005 (has links)
In September 1905, Frederick W.G. Haultain, Premier of the North-West Territories, was not asked to form the first government of either Saskatchewan or Alberta. Many considered his treatment scandalous, especially since Haultain had distinguished himself during the Territorial period. As the Territorial governments first leader, Haultain worked tirelessly to provide the region with the services the residences of the other provinces took for granted. Despite these achievements, Haultain was not a good strategic thinker. After 1905, Haultain formed the Provincial Rights Party and served as the first leader of the opposition in Saskatchewan. Haultain retired from politics in 1912 after failing to secure a majority in three successive elections. Haultains reputation as an elder statesman developed after his death in 1941.
Many scholars have blamed Liberal politicians for Haultains marginalization. In reality, by 1905 Haultain had undermined his own base of support by making poor political choices that alienated his supporters. In seeking provincehood for the North-West Territories, Haultain unwisely alienated his Cabinet colleagues whose support was essential to maintaining the Assemblys confidence in the government. He also failed to build the Provincial Rights Party into a serious alternative to the Liberals because he lacked some important political skills. Haultain failed to enlist any talented individuals to serve along side him in the Assembly. Most importantly, Haultain failed to realize that it was practically impossible to form a government without the support of rural Saskatchewan, and took many positions that alienated farmers. His failure to support reciprocity in 1911 ultimately destroyed his already damaged reputation.
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The Understanding Of Normativity And Free Will In Games: A Developmental Study On 2- And 3-year-old Turkish ChildrenTuncgenc, Bahar 01 June 2012 (has links) (PDF)
This study investigated the understanding of normativity and free will from a developmental perspective. Being a new field of investigation, there is not much research conducted which points to different aspects of normativity. Current study, therefore, aimed to assess Turkish children&rsquo / s normative development on a sample of 2 and 3 years old in the context of games. It was expected, first, that children would show more protest when there is a norm violation. Moreover, older children would show more normative protest than younger ones. The results confirmed these hypotheses. In a second study, it was investigated whether the actor&rsquo / s being free to act as s/he wills versus constrained so that cannot act otherwise had an effect on children&rsquo / s protest in response to norm violations. It was hypothesized that a decrease in normative reactions and an increase in help responses would be observed. No age effect for help responses was expected. The results of this study did not reveal any decrease in normative reactions, but there was an increase in help responses regardless of the age.
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Framing processes in transnational activist networks : the case of anti-free trade movements in Southeast Asia /Singh, Jewellord Tolentino Nem. January 2008 (has links) (PDF)
Master's thesis. / Database: Nordic Web Publications. Format: PDF. Bibl.
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Women's organizing in conflict zones a case study of two Israeli women's protest movements /Jacoby, Tami Amanda. January 2000 (has links)
Thesis (Ph. D.)--York University, 2000. / Typescript. Title on thesis acceptance page: Women's protest in zones of conflict : a case study of two Israeli women's protest movements. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 237-245). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ67913.
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Ethnic identity, grievance and political behavior: being Palestinian in IsraelLowrance, Sherry Renee 28 August 2008 (has links)
Not available / text
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Activism and Music in Poland, 1978-1989Bohlman, Andrea Florence January 2012 (has links)
This dissertation presents a historical study of intersections between music and activism in Poland from the election of Cardinal Karol Wojtyła as Pope John Paul II in 1978 to Poland’s first democratic elections in 1989. Musical action in three cultural spheres shapes the project: (1) the political activism of musicians, (2) activists who turn to music as a political instrument, and (3) the musical ambitions of the communist authorities, the Polish United Workers’ Party. I critique the repercussions of politics in music as well as music’s significance for policy makers and dissidents, and I assume that neither course of influence is intrinsic or inevitable under state socialism. In doing so, I highlight the complex relationship between activist culture and music at the end of the Cold War. Throughout the decade, religious hymns, patriotic anthems, experimental music, and popular songs shared spaces in Polish society, projected analogous ambitions, reflected communal responses, and partook in debates about culture’s capacity to effect political action. The plurality of musical genres and music histories during the Cold War reflects the political tensions in the Polish opposition to state socialism. The diverse materials I investigate in this dissertation respond both to the tumultuous politics of the 1980s and to the ethnographic, historical, and analytical methods I employ to write music history. My thesis—that political activism offered politicians, activists, and musicians the opportunity for constructive creative action—provides a model for rethinking Cold War music history. I begin with an explanation of the Communist Party’s program for music and the practical means by which it carried out this vision through the decade. Two chapters examine specific historical moments: I critique the ways in which music has come to be associated with the August 1980 strikes that brought about the formation of Solidarity, the first independent trade union in the Eastern bloc, and map the sites of music making in the weeks after martial law’s imposition in December 1981. I explore the resonance of popular sacred hymns and plainchant for musicologists, composers, and members of the opposition through the final decade of the Cold War. The dissertation concludes by analyzing the unofficial musical discourse on independence, drawing out the concept’s resonance for artists invested in their own musical autonomy. / Music
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The rhetoric of <free speech> : regulating dissent since 9/11Battaglia, Adria 07 January 2011 (has links)
Since the conspicuously broad and vague definition of terrorism in the USA PATRIOT Act, signed into legislation on October 26, 2001 to increase governmental power in domestic security procedures, legal doctrine and normative practices of free speech have become sites of struggle over the meaning of both terrorism and freedom of expression. In 2005, twelve cartoonists drew the Prophet Muhammad for the Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten. The subsequent reprints and republications led to boycotts, protests, and riots in over 27 countries culminating in at least 139 deaths. Now known as the Danish cartoons controversy, news and entertainment sources alike narrate a story about protecting a fundamental characteristic of American identity—free speech—in the face of a terrorist threat. In American universities, David Horowitz’s proposed legislation, the Academic Bill of Rights, targets Left academics, who, according to Horowitz, “influence, in a negative way, America’s war on terror.” In August 2008, protesters at the Republican National Convention were formally charged with conspiracy to riot in furtherance of terrorism. In this dissertation, I explore how the rhetoric of free speech is a naturalizing and legitimating ideology employed to organize people around particular interests and mobilize them toward particular political ends. My research is guided by the question: How has the ideological terrain of the First Amendment—specifically, the right to free speech—changed since September 11, 2001, and why? I argue that rhetoricians should approach the traditional free speech narrative as part of an instrumental political act, as opposed to a universal principle. Cast as a discursive tool in a hegemonic struggle, the traditional free speech narrative offers the potential to open up spaces of protest and infuse ordinary citizens with political agency. Using the method of ideology critique, I develop and test these arguments through three case studies of free speech since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001: the Danish cartoons controversy, David Horowitz’s Academic Freedom Campaign, and protests during the 2008 Republican National Convention. / text
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Grievances matter : unemployment and the decline of the piquetero movement (2003-2007)Perez, Marcos Emilio 08 July 2011 (has links)
The unemployed workers movement in Argentina (also known as the piqueteros) emerged during the mid 1990s, as a response to the increasing poverty and unemployment produced by the economic reforms implemented by the national government. Its extraordinary growth and leading role in the protests of 2001-2002 led many scholars to believe that it would become an enduring aspect of Argentina’s politics. However, after 2002, the movement entered a period of decline, which was reflected in the loss of members, support, and public influence.
In this paper, I study the trajectory of this movement in order to advance certain arguments regarding the relation between grievances and collective action. I will argue that a key factor behind the decline of the movement was the amelioration of the main grievance which gave it rise. The emergence and consolidation of the piqueteros coincided with a period of increasing unemployment. However, after 2002, Argentina’s economy entered a phase of intense growth which significantly improved labor market conditions. The new scenario deeply affected the movement’s influence.
Therefore, the study of the piqueteros can provide significant insight about social movement theory. In particular, it suggests that the relation between grievances and collective action is more direct than what the resource mobilization and political process approaches predict. In other words, the case of the piqueteros shows that grievances matter: although several factors may mediate between them and collective action, their effect is never negligible.
In addition, this paper addresses a more “empirical” gap. Although there is an increasing body of literature about the decline of the piquetero movement, most studies focus on political variables and neglect the potential role played by the reduction in unemployment. In other words, in exploring the causes of this downfall, authors usually center on the emergence of a new government in 2003, the divisions between different organizations, and the loss of legitimacy among other sectors of society. By focusing on an alternative explanation, I expect to contribute to the understanding of this movement. / text
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