Denna kvalitativa studie ämnar undersöka vilka diskurser, perspektiv och aktörer som speglas i media kring ämnet klimataktivism. Detta har undersökts genom en kritisk diskursanalys i vilken tematisk analys har använts för att analysera 193 stycken medieartiklar från de fyra mest lästa svenska tidningarna. Studien har utförts i en svensk kontext och begränsats till ett tidsspann mellan 2018-2023. Ytterligare presenteras tidigare forskning inom ämnet för ny klimataktivism samt klimataktivism och media. För analysen av resultatet har Foucaults (2003, 2009) teorier kring disciplin, makt och kunskap, ideologi, diskurser, den reglerande apparaten samt olydnad använts som ett övergripande ramverk, vilka kompletteras med begrepp från Mathiesen (1982). Utöver detta har Becks (2009, 2012) teorier om risksamhälle och hot använts, vilka kompletteras med begrepp från Altheide (2013), för att kunna analysera resultatet på omfattande och djupgående sätt, anpassat till det moderna samhället. Medelst detta visar undersökningen en djupgående och omfattande bild genom att rama in mediers speglande av ämnet klimataktivismen i samtiden. Det visades olika, delvis motstridiga, diskurser: ”kampen för klimatet”, ”klimataktivismen som hot” samt ”politiken som hot”, vilka också innefattar olika mindre diskurser om exempelvis ”domedagen” och ”civil olydnad”. Vidare framkom att alla diskurser innefattar positiva och negativa diskursiva aspekter, där dock alla diskurser och aspekter ramas in av en allomfattande ”riskdiskurs” som uttrycks genom de olika perspektiven inom ämnet klimataktivism. Sist förs en avslutande diskussion om konsekvenserna och utkomsterna av denna diskursiva framställning av klimataktivism; en reflektion kring vad som sker och kan ske genom mediers porträttering och vilken vikt media har för produktionen av upplevelser i samhället. / This qualitative study aims to analyse discourses, perspectives and actors which are represented in media within the topic: climate activism. The study was implemented through critical discourse analysis (CDA) in which thematic analysis was used to analyse the material of 193 news articles from the four most read Swedish newspapers. Furthermore, the study was delimited to Sweden and in a timeframe from 2018-2023. Also, previous research about today’s climate activism and climate activism and media is represented. For the analysis of the results, Foucault’s (2009, 2003) theories about discipline, power and knowledge, ideology, discourse, the ruling apparatus, and disobedience have been used. These theories have been completed by concepts from Mathiesen (1982). Moreover Beck’s (2009, 2012) theories of risk society and threat have been used and completed by concepts from Altheide (2013), to be able to analyse the results in an extensive and profound way which fits today’s modern society. Through that, the study shows a deep and including picture that frames how media portraits the topic: climate activism. The study has shown discourses, that in some ways are contradictory: “fight for the climate”, “climate activists as threat” and “politics as threat”. These discourses include several smaller discourses, for instance “doomsday” and “civil disobedience”. Also, it has been shown that all discourses include positive and negative aspects, yet all discourses and aspects of them set in an all-encompassing “risk-discourse”, which takes form through the different perspectives that are included in the subject of climate activism. Lastly, a final discussion is held about the consequences and outcomes of the discursive representation of climate activism; a reflection about what is and what can be happening because of the representation through media and what significance media has in the production of experience in society. / <p>2024-05-30</p>

Diese Arbeit analysiert die Demonstrationen während der zweiten Orbán-Regierung. Letztere besaß eine qualifizierte Mehrheit besaß, die sie zum Ausbau ihrer Macht nutzte. Die Regierung stieß international auf Missbilligung für das, was als critical juncture im politischen System betrachtet werden kann. Zwar demonstrierten viele Bürger in Budapests Straßen gegen die Politik Orbáns, jedoch konnten von der Regierung unterstützten Märsche, die von so genannten GONGOs organisiert wurden, überraschenderweise weit mehr Teilnehmende pro Veranstaltung anziehen. Obwohl ihre politische Bedeutung klar ist, sind solche staatlich mobilisierten Bewegungen bisher nicht ausreichend in der sozialen Bewegungsforschung analysiert worden. Folgte man den Annahmen einer auf die politische Opportunitätsstruktur ausgerichteten Bewegungsforschung, müssten die Maßnahmen der Partei Fidesz eine Radikalisierung des Protestrepertoires provozieren. Darauf aufbauend formulierte ich meine erste Forschungsfrage: Hat die critical juncture, die die Fidesz-Regierung darstellt, auch zu einer critical juncture bei den Anti-Regierungs-Protesten geführt? Die zweite Forschungsfrage widmet sich der regierungsfreundlichen Mobilisierung: Was waren die emotionalen und gedanklichen Grundlagen der critical juncture bei den pro-Regierungs Protesten? Ich verwende ein Mixed-Methods-Forschungsdesign, das auf der Analyse von mehr als zweihundert händisch codierten Protestereignissen, einer kritischen Diskursanalyse und einer Sentiment Analysis von Texten einer Sub-Stichprobe basiert. Meine Arbeit zeigt, dass entgegen der von der POS-Theorie erzeugten Erwartungen die oppositionellen Proteste nicht grundlegend von ihrer post-1989 Ausrichtung abwichen und dass die zur Mobilisierung der Pro-Regierungs-Märsche verwendeten Texte eine eigentümliche Mischung aus diskursiver Selbstviktimisierung und der Aufrufung positiver Gefühle darstellen, einem Gefühls-Denk-Prozess. / This thesis analyzes demonstrations during the second Orbán government, the first one with a supermajority that it used to maximize its power by creating a controversial new constitution, a media law, and a new policy regulating local governments' elections. The government met intense international disapproval for what can be seen as a critical juncture in the political system. The streets of Budapest were soon filled with protesters against the policies, but surprisingly, government-supporting marches organized through GONGOs could attract many more participants per event. Such State Mobilized Movements are seen as a blind spot of Social Movement Studies (SMS). Based on Political Opportunity Structure (POS)-focused SMS, one could expect Fidesz's measures to provoke a radicalizing protest repertoire. This led me to formulate my first research question. Has the critical juncture that the Fidesz governance meant also led to a critical juncture in anti-government protests? The second research question explores pro-government mobilization. What were the feeling-thinking underpinnings of the critical juncture in pro-government protests? I use a mixed methods research design based on a Protest Event Analysis of more than two hundred hand-coded events, Critical Discourse Analysis, and Sentiment Analysis, a rarely used method in the field, on texts relating to a sub-sample of the protest events. The thesis shows that contrary to POS theory-inspired expectations, opposition contention did not deviate fundamentally from its post-1989 ways and that mobilizing texts of pro-government marches used a peculiar mix of discursive self-victimization and the expression of positive sentiments, a feeling-thinking process. The identification of such processes is portrayed as vital by James Jasper, a leading figure of emotion-centered SMS.

Dissertation submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters: Public Management, Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2016. / Protests are an integral part of many social, political and economic activities in societies all over the world, and the concept of protest is an on-going subject of scholarly endeavour. The occurrence of protests in South Africa, however, highlights significant deficit in meeting the huge expectations from a formerly disadvantaged majority of the population. Furthermore, the current preponderance of protest incidents in the Eastern Cape Province, and particularly in the Mbizana Local Municipality proffered the motive for this research. The incidence of protests in the study area, in most cases, has been attributed to poor service delivery and the high expectations for improved social and economic development. While issues related to the delivery of basic services are attended to, the continued occurrence and increasing intensity of these protest incidents, has led to the argument that other factors are also at play. Using a mixed methods approach, the study employed a questionnaire survey to elicit information linked to the incidence of protests. Two hundred and eighty respondents from three selected wards in the local municipality were randomly sampled, and three municipal officials were also interviewed to explore the factors influencing protest incidents in the study area. Findings from the study point to the profusion of unresolved community complaints coupled with slow- paced provision of services, intra-party disagreements among political factions in the municipal council, and crime-related incidents; as factors responsible for protests in the local municipality. The study shows the preponderance of disagreements among political party members as a leading cause for protest incidents, unrelated to the provision of basic services. Also, the demand for justice among victims of criminal incidents was found to be another reason for the increasing number of protest events in the Mbizana Local Municipality. / M

This thesis focuses on whether protest affects the levels of repression in electoral democracies and, if so, in what manner. After an overview of the literature, Chapter 2 contains an empirical analysis of the relationship between protest and repression at a global level, using a dataset of 71 democracies over 10 years. The results point to a positive association between protest and repression that is driven primarily by post-1974 democracies. The chapter then develops a theoretical model of the costs and benefits accruing to a democratic leader when deciding whether to repress a protest. The model yields a number of testable hypotheses about which factors will affect the likelihood that repression will be chosen, which are then tested for using cross-national and sub-national data. The impact of constitutional constraints is examined first using the cross-national dataset, which reveals that executives in new democracies centralise power in response to protest. Chapter 4 is a quantitative study of the 27 Brazilian states over a 9-year period using data on the repression of land protesters and political variables. The results indicate that governors with precarious political positions are less likely to promote repressive policing strategies. Chapter 5 uses data drawn from five Brazilian national newspapers to identify whether under-reporting of land protest events might contribute to the level of state repression. Chapter 6 is a qualitative comparison of two states – São Paulo and Pará – and suggests that while tight political control over the police explains repression in the former, the unaccountability of the police and the ideology of the main opposition parties in the state assembly may explain why the latter has a much higher level of repression than would be predicted by political factors alone. Chapter 7 revisits the cross-national dataset of 71 democracies to test whether additional determinants of repression identified in Chapter 6 have an effect at the global level.

The Problems of Protest and the Persistence of Domination: Social Movement Theory and Bourdieu’s Economy of Practice is a normative intervention into social movement theory and debates about social movement goals, strategies and tactics. The project asks: what normative implications derive from incorporating Pierre Bourdieu’s sociological framework into social movement research? My core arguments are that Bourdieu’s framework has the potential to sensitize activists and analysts to the tension between conformity and failure and that escaping radical/reformist debates requires working through this tension. The dissertation intervenes in social movement theory from within the critical theory tradition by refusing to separate empirical and normative questions. I develop my argument using two strategies. First, I undertake a close reading of Bourdieu’s most important works and the debates they have provoked. Second I apply the conceptual tools this close reading offers to reconsider the logic behind two key social movement theory concepts: collective identity and repertoires of contention. Following a general introduction and literature review, I undertake a close consideration of habitus and an argument for how attention to the suffering produced by symbolic power constitutes grounds for normative justice claims. I then consider how collective identity formation in lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer mobilization indicates the presence of symbolic violence, primarily in the form of epistemic violence. Next I argue that the nature of neoliberal symbolic power creates political antinomies for representation and affinity-based segments of the alterglobalization movement. Finally I argue that Bourdieu needs to be balanced by Nietzsche and that an orientation toward ‘overcoming’ offers a way out of the tension between conformity and failure. My findings point to the need for more sophisticated instruments for understanding the relationship between objective interests and subjective perception, impositions of, and challenges to, ‘logical consensus’, and strategies for counter-training and other mechanisms to support activists in resisting symbolic violence. / Thesis (Ph.D, Political Studies) -- Queen's University, 2013-01-29 14:14:16.699

Global sport competitions such as the Olympics and the World Cup were founded following universal principles of unity and peace and aiming to be celebrations of sportsmanship. Nowadays, however, they go beyond sport, being constructed as global media events in which both politics and media play an essential role. Caught in this triangle, the Olympics and the World Cup have re-emerged in the past years as sites of protests, after decades of relative calmness in this sense. This represents the point of entry into the analysis of global broadcasters, giving the chance to examine the way in which Al Jazeera English, BBC World News and Russia Today represent the protests they put in relation to sport competitions happening in different parts of the world. The chosen case studies are the London Olympics 2012, Sochi Olympics 2014 and Brazil World Cup 2014. The comparative analysis allows the drawing of similarities and differences between both the case studies and the broadcasters overall. The findings show that protests are dealt with differently according to the sport event they are related to, since some of them are legitimized and others are not. A major distinction, therefore, results in the manner in which the broadcasters use the protests in order to depict a certain version of the world. Global broadcasters offer, thus, multiple perspectives on the world as they carry what appears to be a heavy cultural baggage of the societies of origin.

This Thesis concentrates on special instruments of the Bill of Exchange - aval, protest and domicile. The Paper describes their legal framework and currentcase law.The Thesis is divided into three parts, each of which is dedicated to one of the above mentioned institutes of the Bill of Exchange. A case fom author's law practice is included in the chapter dedicated to aval. It specifically elaborates on particularities of the Bill of Exhange avalation. The chapter about protest analyses the author's survey (2013)in which a couple of Czech municipal administrations were requested to certify a protest of a Bill of Exchange.

Since 1999, migrants and refugees from across the Middle East and Northeastern Africa have squatted in makeshift camps in and around the strategic port city of Calais, France, hoping for the opportunity to stow away on a ferry or lorry to England. The inhabitants of these camps seek to engage the world in a dialogue, and although they speak a variety of languages, the voices the refugees and migrants in The Jungle of Calais raise through their protest placards and graffiti are more homogeneous. Like in many other protests, the languages of these messages are universal; they are French and English, the languages of their location, their desired destination, and of the world that they hope is watching. The data for this study are from still images freely available through Getty Images Embed Service. Using the techniques of linguistic landscapes, this paper analyzes the linguistic material of The Jungle. Like other recent works on the linguistic landscapes of protest, this analysis challenges the idea that territory is a fixed place or space (Kasanga, 2014), asserting rather that the migrants/refugees are co-creating a collective space that exists more through their raised voices, and less in the physical space they temporarily inhabit.

How were immigrants, immigrant issues and their histories represented through radical poster art created during the 1968 protests and strikes in France? The May 1968 protests remain one of the most significant moments in contemporary French history and it occurred during a time when immigrant populations were rapidly increasing. There is a multitude of research, analysis and reflections on the protests and strikes; yet there is very little mention of the place of immigrants during this event. Art collectives that were created during the protests designed and produced posters that later became a symbol of the strike. By using a variety of primary and secondary sources including small press publications, interviews, manifestos, historical and artistic secondary soured this work argues that it is during this social movement that immigrants and immigrant issues entered French social discourse and this can be seen by exploring the messages presented in the posters.

Cette thèse s’intéresse à la mobilisation des supporters du Club Athlétique San Lorenzo de Almagro, un club de football de la ville de Buenos Aires en Argentine, qui se sont manifestés en plusieurs occasions face à l’Assemblée municipale de cette ville entre 2010 et 2012 afin d’obtenir le vote de la loi dite de Restitution historique. Cette loi, approuvée en novembre 2012, a ouvert la voie à la récupération par le club de San Lorenzo des terrains situés dans le quartier de Boedo où s’élevait son ancien stade, le Vieux Gazomètre, détruit sous la dernière dictature militaire qu’a connue l’Argentine. Au croisement de la reconfiguration et de l’actualisation de logiques d’identification entre quartiers et clubs à Buenos Aires issues du début des années 1900, cette mobilisation a également éclairé sous un jour nouveau les rapports étroits tissés entre politique et football en Argentine depuis le début du XXème siècle. L’analyse des carrières des membres de la Sous-commission du supporter – principale organisation de cette mobilisation –, des dispositifs de sensibilisation que ces supporters ont mis en place et de leurs interactions avec le champ politique a permis de décrire une fabrique du politique se footballisant par bien des aspects. Ainsi, construit par des individus se situant hors du champ politique, se pensant comme tels et revendiquant cette extériorité, le politique s’est-il vu investi et colonisé par des pratiques et des représentations reposant sur une identité supporteriste valorisée qui est considérée comme légitime à l’heure d’interagir avec les représentants du champ politique argentin. / This thesis explores the movement of the supporters of San Lorenzo de Almagro Athletic Club -a football club from Buenos Aires, Argentina- that lead a series of protests before the municipal Assembly of the city between 2010 and 2012 in order to get the City council to vote the called “Law of historical restitution”. This law, passed on November 2012, opened up the way for the San Lorenzo Club to regain the lands located within the Boedo neighborhood where its former stadium - “The Old Gasometer”, destroyed under the last military dictatorship in Argentina- stood. At a crossroads between reconfigurations and updates of the logics of identification that arose at the beginning of the 1900’s between neighborhoods and sporting clubs in Buenos Aires; this movement has brought as well a new perspective about the close relationship built between politics and football in Argentina since the beginning of the twentieth century. The analysis of the careers of the members of the Subcomission of the supporter -the main organization during this mobilization-, the role played by emotions and the interactions of the supporters with the political field allowed to describe a construction of politics which footballize itself in many aspects. Thereby, constructed by individuals outside of the political field, recognizing themselves as such and claiming this exteriority; politics were invested and colonized by practices and representations resting on a valued football fan identity that is considered legitimate when interacting with the representatives of the Argentinian political field.