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How were immigrants, immigrant issues and their histories represented through radical poster art created during the 1968 protests and strikes in France? The May 1968 protests remain one of the most significant moments in contemporary French history and it occurred during a time when immigrant populations were rapidly increasing. There is a multitude of research, analysis and reflections on the protests and strikes; yet there is very little mention of the place of immigrants during this event. Art collectives that were created during the protests designed and produced posters that later became a symbol of the strike. By using a variety of primary and secondary sources including small press publications, interviews, manifestos, historical and artistic secondary soured this work argues that it is during this social movement that immigrants and immigrant issues entered French social discourse and this can be seen by exploring the messages presented in the posters.

“Identity” constitutes one of the most debates theoretical concepts in the domain of postcolonial studies. Scholars often have a historical perspective for examining the question of identity in contemporary literary works. In fact, in the last three decades of the 20th century, we notice a significant increase in the number of literary works of an autobiographical and biographical nature. In the contemporary literature, the predominance of “personal narratives” in which reflect on identity, could be attributed to the heightened sense of individuality, which in turn results from the failure of Grand Ideologies, the mass migrations triggered by the processes of decolonization, the alienation of the consumerist society, and the fundamental redefinition of gender roles in the latter half of the 20th century. But during this period, there is also a parallel epistemological shift that takes place, and which is sometimes downplayed in the historical approach of the postcolonial studies. The episode in the history of ideas, known as “the death of the Subject,” is commonly associated with the structuralist movement in the 1950s and 60s. Structuralists argued that the human mind is traversed by omnipresent structures that play a much more significant role in the creative process than the conscious mind. In the case of language for example, it is not we who make use of the language, but rather, it is the language that evolves and produces itself through our mental structures. With language, human agency is also questioned in literary creation. As a result, literary critics take issue with such notions as “self,” and “self-writing,”-or autobiography. In France, the New Novel was the locus for the literary representation of structuralist theories, and played an important role in the formalist movement of the 1950s and 1960s. Using various techniques, the New Novelists sought to annihilate the anthropocentric narration or otherwise underscore the passive experience of reality by the Subject. The result was a highly formalist type of novels, predominant in the 50s and 60s, drawing mostly an elite intellectual readership. But May 1968 events marked a departure from the structuralist ideology in general, and the literary esthetics of the New Novel in particular. This political, social, and cultural upheaval in France was a ramification of the global student movement against institutional apparatuses and different forms of political establishment. In France, it was also a reaction to the elitist academism that denied the “human,” and to a literary expression that negated individuals and their personal stories. May 1968 protests objected to the monopoly of elite institutions on discourse and knowledge, and that they aspired to a “democratization” of discourse. The increase in the number of autobiographical and biographical works after 1970s, could therefore be viewed as a dialectical response to the formalism of the New Novel. This epistemological shift opened up the discursive space for narratives of “self” and “identity.” These narratives document a highly subjective experience of reality in a rapidly-changing world. Most importantly, they reflect the preoccupations of the contemporary individual as well as the transformations of the social life, and as such, narratives of family, exile, sexuality, and quotidian abound. The personalization of the experience goes so far as to call into question the very meaning of reality and History, and thus the “referential” genres autobiography and biography are new writing practices “autofiction” and “biofiction” which maintain an ambiguous rapport with the referential reality.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta tese tem como objetivo descrever o desenvolvimento da crítica da vida cotidiana elaborada pelo filósofo francês Henri Lefebvre. Analisamos os fundamentos teóricos e o contexto histórico no qual foi formulada a teoria crítica do cotidiano e seu contato com as experiências estéticas e políticas da primeira metade do século XX. Também analisamos a maneira pela qual, a partir da apreciação do tema da cotidianidade, Lefebvre faz uma crítica das leituras dogmáticas do marxismo, apreendendo o movimento de reestruturação da sociedade capitalista depois da Segunda Guerra Mundial e formulando, juntamente com as novas vanguardas do pós-guerra, um conjunto de idéias sobre a experiência social moderna que antecipa aspectos importantes dos eventos de 1968. / This thesis has as objective to describe the development of the critique of everyday life, elaborated by the French philosopher Henri Lefebvre. We analyze the theoretical beddings and the historical context in which the critical theory of the everyday life was formulated and its contact with the aesthetic and politics experiences of the first half of century XX. We also analyze the way, from the view of the dailyness", Lefebvre criticizes the dogmatic readings of marxism, apprehending the reorganization of the capitalist society after World War II and formulating, together with the new postwar vanguards of the period, a set of ideas on the modern social experience that anticipates important aspects of the 1968 events.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta tese tem como objetivo descrever o desenvolvimento da crítica da vida cotidiana elaborada pelo filósofo francês Henri Lefebvre. Analisamos os fundamentos teóricos e o contexto histórico no qual foi formulada a teoria crítica do cotidiano e seu contato com as experiências estéticas e políticas da primeira metade do século XX. Também analisamos a maneira pela qual, a partir da apreciação do tema da cotidianidade, Lefebvre faz uma crítica das leituras dogmáticas do marxismo, apreendendo o movimento de reestruturação da sociedade capitalista depois da Segunda Guerra Mundial e formulando, juntamente com as novas vanguardas do pós-guerra, um conjunto de idéias sobre a experiência social moderna que antecipa aspectos importantes dos eventos de 1968. / This thesis has as objective to describe the development of the critique of everyday life, elaborated by the French philosopher Henri Lefebvre. We analyze the theoretical beddings and the historical context in which the critical theory of the everyday life was formulated and its contact with the aesthetic and politics experiences of the first half of century XX. We also analyze the way, from the view of the dailyness", Lefebvre criticizes the dogmatic readings of marxism, apprehending the reorganization of the capitalist society after World War II and formulating, together with the new postwar vanguards of the period, a set of ideas on the modern social experience that anticipates important aspects of the 1968 events.

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Relevant de l’intérêt renouvelé de l’histoire sociale pour la période des « années 1968 », ce travail cherche à comprendre à la fois les conditions de possibilité de la création d’une institution telle que le « Centre universitaire expérimental de Vincennes » et comment celle-ci a été initialement façonnée par les investissements pratiques et les projections de ses concepteurs, fondateurs et premiers acteurs. A la croisée de la sociologie des politiques publiques éducatives et de l´histoire sociale des champs intellectuels, la socio-histoire de cette expérience universitaire participe de la connaissance des effets de la crise symbolique sans précédent de Mai 68, et offre une voie d´entrée à l´histoire des idées qui prend en compte simultanément les acteurs mobilisés et mobilisables que sont les étudiants et les enseignants, et leurs négociations avec le pouvoir politique. A l’échelle macro-sociologique, cette recherche s’attache à éclairer les logiques qui président au développement morphologique et symbolique de l´Université depuis les années 50 et participe de la connaissance du fonctionnement de l’Etat et du pouvoir politique en conjoncture de crise. A l’échelle micro-sociologique, elle se veut attentive aux logiques d’action des acteurs sociaux et aspire à comprendre comment et pourquoi, suivant quels représentations, dispositions et intérêts, les acteurs (individuels et collectifs) investissent leurs rôles et « métiers » (de hauts fonctionnaires, responsables politiques, « intellectuels », enseignants-chercheurs, étudiant), sans sous-estimer les contraintes qui pèsent sur eux. Ce travail s’appuie sur des matériaux complémentaires (archives, entretiens, biographies, statistiques) qui permettent de mettre en perspective « données quantitatives » et « données qualitatives », et de renseigner les deux échelles d’analyse. / Building on social history renewed interest for the “long 1968” period, this work seeks to understand both the conditions of possibility of an institution such as the “Experimental University of Vincennes” (Centre universitaire expérimental de Vincennes) and the way it was initially shaped by the practical concerns and projections of its planners, creators and first actors. Between a sociology of education policies and a social history of intellectual fields, the history of this university experiment adds to our knowledge of the symbolic crisis of May 1968, and paves the way for a history of ideas which simultaneously takes into account the mobilized and mobilizable actors that are students and professors, and their negotiation with the political power.On a macrosociological scale, this research aims to shed light on the logics that led to the morphological and symbolic development of the University since the 1950s and adds to our knowledge of the functionning of the state and policial power in a context of crisis. On a microsociological scale, it focuses on the logics of action of social actors and seeks to understand how and why, according to which representations, dispositions and interests, actors (both individual and collective) assume their roles and “professions” (of high-civil servants, political leaders, “intellectuals”, professors, students), without underestimating the constraints that are imposed on them. This work is based on complementary materials (archives, interviews, biographies, and statistics) which put in perspective “quantitative data” and “qualitative data”, combining two scales of analysis.

Ce travail étudie les liens qui relient la critique dramatique à une forme d’engagement politique dont certaines revues généralistes ont été porteuses du milieu des années 1960 au début des années 1980, à partir d’un corpus d’articles parus dans Les Temps modernes, Esprit et La Quinzaine Littéraire, dont la plupart sont respectivement signés par Renée Saurel, Alfred Simon et Gilles Sandier. La politisation de cette critique se manifeste dans laconception qu’elle professe du rôle du théâtre dans la société, dans les critères qu’elle applique à l’analyse des spectacles, dans sa participation aux débats des milieux artistiques et intellectuels, mais aussi dans l’acte même de l’écriture. La critique théâtrale pratiquée dans ces revues tend à se distinguer à la fois de la chronique journalistique et ducommentaire savant. Si sa périodicité lui permet de suivre l’actualité de la scène française (et surtout celle du théâtre public parisien), elle entend rompre avec le modèle traditionnel du compte-Rendu journalistique effectué sur un mode impressioniste. Elle tente d’expliciter ses critères de jugement en les rapportant aux problèmes théoriques soulevés par le marxisme, le brechtisme ou encore le structuralisme. Pour ce faire, elle s’ouvre à de nouveaux domaines de controverse comme celui des politiques culturelles. Bien qu’elle reconnaisse un certain degré d’autonomie aux questions esthétiques, elle considère l’écriture et la mise en scène au prisme de l’efficacité politique, en vue de promouvoir un théâtre véritablement populaire. Support matériel et instance symbolique, la revue constitue un lieu propice pour une critique alliant la revendication politique à l’exigence de savoir. / This research project aims to analyse the links between drama critique and political commitment, manifest in a number of reviews from the mid-1960s to the early 1980s. This investigation focuses on a corpus of articles published in Les Temps Modernes, Esprit and La Quinzaine Littéraire, most often signed by, respectively, Renée Saurel, AlfredSimon, and Gilles Sandier. This critique’s politicisation is most evident in four main areas, namely: its conception of the social function of theatre; in the selected criteria used to analyse performances; in its active involvment in the artistic and intellectual debates of the time; as well as in the very act of critical writing. The particular form of theatre critique emerging from these reviews tends to differ both from the journalistic column and from the scholarly commentary. These reviews’ publishing frequency allows this form of critique toremain topical in regards to contemporary french (and particularly public parisian) theatre; however, these texts also seek to break away from the traditional model of the theatre review and its impressionist mode. This critical movement attempts to explicate its criteria of appraisal by basing itself on the theoretical issues raised by Marxism, brechtism and/or structuralism. In so doing, it opens up its focus to include new controversial areas, such as debates on cultural policies. Despite aknowledging some form of autonomy to aesthetic issues, this critique analyses writing and mise-En-Scène through the lens of political efficiency, as a means to develop a genuine popular theatre. These reviews, considered here both as materialised spaces for intellectual debate and as objects of symbolic authority, become fertile loci in which to foster a new form of critique aiming to combine the development of theoretical frameworks with political commitment.

Mai 1968 en France ouvre la voie à un renouveau du cinéma d'intervention sociale et politique, qui adopte le plus souvent la forme documentaire. Deux ans plus tard, émerge le Mouvement de libération des femmes (MLF), un "nouveau féminisme" qui invite les femmes à lutter contre leur oppression spécifique et pour la libre disposition de leur corps et de leur sexualité. Cette thèse propose d'étudier les rapports qui se nouent entre cinéma, vidéo et féminisme entre 1968 et 1981 en France, sous les angles à la fois historique et esthétique, des pratiques de production/diffusion et des formes filmiques. Comment la caméra a-t-elle été investie pour accompagner et populariser les luttes féministes ? Quel a été l'impact du féminisme dans le champ cinématographique et vidéographique ? Un parcours au cœur d'un corpus filmique riche, protéiforme et méconnu doit permettre de dessiner cette histoire complexe et de montrer que, puissant instrument de contre-pouvoir et d'agitation directe, la caméra s'impose aussi aux femmes comme un moyen d'expression et de créativité privilégié dans leur quête d'identité individuelle et collective. La première partie revient sur l'irruption de la "question des femmes" à l'intérieur du cinéma militant reconfiguré après mai 1968 : l'ouverture d'un front féministe spécifique au sein d'un cinéma orienté principalement vers la lutte des classes se révèle très limitée et parfois conflictuelle. La seconde partie interroge l'apparition d'une pratique féministe autonome des femmes, qui s'orientent vers une démarche politique d'auto-représentation, dans le champ de la vidéo militante. S'emparer de la caméra répond ici à une exigence politique de prise de parole et de réappropriation de leur corps et de leur sexualité par l'image. Au-delà du noyau dur des films d'intervention, la troisième partie interroge les usages et les politiques féministes du cinéma. Elle soumet en particulier le "cinéma des femmes" à l'épreuve du féminisme, au crible de ses théories et de ses pratiques. / May 1968 in France opens the way to a renewal of a cinema of social and political intervention that most often adopts a documentary form. Two years later, the Women's Liberation Movement a "new feminism" emerges and invites women to fight against their own oppression and for a freedom of choice with matters regarding their body and their sexuality. This thesis proposes to study the relations forged between cinema, video and feminism between 1968 and 1981 in France, both historically and aesthetically, in terms of production/distribution practices and film forms. In what ways has the camera been invested with the task of accompanying and popularizing feminist struggles ? What has the impact of feminism been in the field of cinema and video ? A look at a rich, diverse and little known body of films allows us to trace this complex history and to show that, as a powerful anti¬establishment and direct action instrument, the camera imposes itself as a preferred means of expression and creativity in women's search for an individual and collective identity. The first part addresses the sudden development of the "woman question" in a militant cinema that reconfigures itself after May 1968 : the opening of a specific feminist coalition within a cinema that was mostly oriented towards class struggle reveals itself as very limited and sometimes antagonistic. The second part questions the appearance of an autonomous feminist practice by women that takes a political approach to self-representation in the field of video activism. Here, taking hold of the camera is a response to a political need to speak out and to reappropriate their body and their sexuality through the image. Beyond the hard core of militant films, the third part examines the uses and the feminist politics of cinema. In particular, it puts "women's cinema" to the test in terms of feminism in order to closely examine its theories and practices.