Cette thèse porte sur les documentaires qui, en Espagne, se situent à mi-chemin entre l’engagement militant et le désengagement politique. Notre recherche s’est orientée vers des films minoritaires susceptibles de prendre le contrepied des représentations timides des problématiques sociales, autrement dit d’en proposer une lecture politique. Ces productions, en s’approchant au plus près du militantisme, interrogent le discours et l’action des pouvoirs en place (politiques et économiques) et en même temps donnent à voir des alternatives, qu’elles appartiennent à un passé lointain ou très récent. Portmán, a la sombra de Roberto (Miguel Martí, 2001), El efecto Iguazú (Pere Joan Ventura, 2002), 200 km. (Discusión14, 2003), La mano invisible (Isadora Guardia, 2004), Veinte años no es nada (Joaquín Jordà, 2004), El astillero (Disculpen las molestias) (Alejandro Zapico, 2007), Flores de luna (Juan Vicente Córdoba, 2009), 15M Libre te quiero (Basilio Martín Patino, 2011), ces films, bien qu’ils partagent de nombreux points communs avec la critique sociale ne se concentrent pas sur des destins individuels, mais sur des projets collectifs. Par ailleurs, ils ne se contentent pas d’un constat, ils exercent une fonction de dénonciation. Leur but étant de transformer la conscience du spectateur, ils agissent. / This thesis is about documentaries which, in Spain, are in a half-way between militant commitment and political disengagement. Our research focused on minority movies likely to take the opposite view of the feeble representations of social problematics, and thus, to propose a political interpretation. These productions, by coming closer to militancy, question the speech and the action of in place authorities (political and economical) and, at the mean time, show alternatives that belong to a distant or very recent past. Portmán, a la sombra de Roberto (Miguel Martí, 2001), El efecto Iguazú (Pere Joan Ventura, 2002), 200 km. (Discusión14, 2003), La mano invisible (Isadora Guardia, 2004), Veinte años no es nada (Joaquín Jordà, 2004), El astillero (Disculpen las molestias) (Alejandro Zapico, 2007), Flores de luna (Juan Vicente Córdoba, 2009), 15M Libre te quiero (Basilio Martín Patino, 2011), although these movies share a lot of things in common with social criticism, they do not focus on individual fates, but rather on collective projects. Moreover, beyond describing facts, they act as whistleblowers in order to modify the viewer’s consciousness.

Esta pesquisa visa compreender o projeto estético-político do cineasta inglês Ken Loach dentro da história da arte política, e como fruto de um processo histórico de crise da Esquerda e fragmentação da classe trabalhadora, intensificado durante a segunda metade do século XX. Observamos de que maneira a obra de Ken Loach estabelece relações entre a criação de uma forma que possua um resgate de elementos formais (como o melodrama, o naturalismo, o neo-realismo italiano e a Czech New Wave) que teriam um potencial utópico em sua origem, e a busca por conteúdos que explicitem a luta de classes. A refuncionalização desses materiais estéticos o aproxima da concepção benjaminiana de História e dos pressupostos políticos do teatro épico de Bertolt Brecht. Os filmes usados como base para a análise são Terra e Liberdade (Land and Freedom, 1995) e Uma Canção para Carla (Carla\'s Song, 1996), filmes cujas temáticas enfatizam momentos de verdadeiros estados de exceção, como a guerra civil espanhola e a revolução nicaragüense. Além disso, ambos os filmes trazem à tona a discussão sobre o papel do cinema político, de suas possibilidades e limites dentro da indústria cultural e da conjuntura sócio-histórica do final do século XX. / This research aims at understanding the aesthetical-political project of the English filmmaker Ken Loach in the course of the history of political art, and as a result of the historical process of crisis of the Left and fragmentation of the working class, intensified throughout the second half of the 20th century. We observe the ways in which the work of Ken Loach establishes relations between the making of a form which possesses a rescue of formal elements (such as melodrama, naturalism, Italian neorealism and Czech New Wave) that have a utopian potential in their origin, and the search for themes that make the class struggle explicit. The refunctionalization of those aesthetical materials brings him closer to the Benjaminian conception of History and the political assumptions of the epic theater of Bertolt Brecht. The movies used as basis for the analysis are Land and Freedom (1995) and Carlas Song (1996), movies whose themes emphasize moments of real states of exception, such as the Spanish civil war and the Nicaraguan revolution. Besides, both films bring about the discussion over the role of political cinema, its possibilities and limitations inside the cultural industry and the socio-historical conjuncture of the end of the 20th century

Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar a produção fílmica do cineasta norte-americano Michael Moore, tendo como questão central a relação que se estabelece entre arte e política num momento histórico que, de um lado, aponta para a crise do capitalismo e, de outro, para a fragmentação política da classe trabalhadora. A partir da análise formal de dois de seus filmes, estabelecemos uma relação com os momentos históricos que lhes deram condições de produção, a fim de compreender o método desenvolvido pelo cineasta para lidar com a crise de representação e comunicação vivida pela arte política nas últimas décadas. Os dois filmes escolhidos para tal análise são Roger e Eu (Roger & Me, 1989) e Capitalismo: uma história de amor (Capitalism: a love story, 2009). Ambos os filmes possuem diagnósticos de momentos distintos da crise do capitalismo, juntamente com a constatação de que existe um desmonte da classe trabalhadora, fruto de uma série de mudanças econômicas, políticas e culturais, especialmente ao longo da segunda metade do século XX e início do XXI. Este trabalho faz um estudo comparativo dos dois filmes, traçando as continuidades e mudanças estéticas e políticas ocorridas na obra de Michael Moore num intervalo de duas décadas, bem como sua relação com as condições de representação da luta de classes dentro da cultura norte-americana. Esta pesquisa reflete sobre o surgimento do fenômeno Michael Moore como parte de um processo de construção e desconstrução de uma tradição da classe trabalhadora norte-americana. / This research aims to analyze the film production of the American filmmaker Michael Moore, proposing as a central question the relationship established between art and politics in a historical moment which, on one side, points to the crisis of capitalism and, on the other side, to the political fragmentation of the working class. Starting from the formal analysis of two of his films, we have established a relationship with the historical moments which gave conditions of production to them, in order to understand the method developed by the filmmaker to deal with the crisis of representation and communication experienced by political art in the last decades. The two films chosen for this analysis are Roger & Me (1989) and Capitalism: a love story (2009). Both films have different diagnoses of the distinct moments of the capitalist crisis, along with the realization of the fact there is a dismantling of the working class, result of a series of economic, political and cultural chances, especially during the second half of the 20th century and early 21st century. This research makes a comparison between the two films, tracing the aesthetic and political continuities and changes in the work of Michael Moore which happened throughout two decades, as well as its relation to the conditions of representation of class struggle in American culture. This work reflects on the rise of the Michael Moore phenomenon as part of a process of construction and deconstruction of a tradition of the American working class.

Esta pesquisa visa compreender o projeto estético-político do cineasta inglês Ken Loach dentro da história da arte política, e como fruto de um processo histórico de crise da Esquerda e fragmentação da classe trabalhadora, intensificado durante a segunda metade do século XX. Observamos de que maneira a obra de Ken Loach estabelece relações entre a criação de uma forma que possua um resgate de elementos formais (como o melodrama, o naturalismo, o neo-realismo italiano e a Czech New Wave) que teriam um potencial utópico em sua origem, e a busca por conteúdos que explicitem a luta de classes. A refuncionalização desses materiais estéticos o aproxima da concepção benjaminiana de História e dos pressupostos políticos do teatro épico de Bertolt Brecht. Os filmes usados como base para a análise são Terra e Liberdade (Land and Freedom, 1995) e Uma Canção para Carla (Carla\'s Song, 1996), filmes cujas temáticas enfatizam momentos de verdadeiros estados de exceção, como a guerra civil espanhola e a revolução nicaragüense. Além disso, ambos os filmes trazem à tona a discussão sobre o papel do cinema político, de suas possibilidades e limites dentro da indústria cultural e da conjuntura sócio-histórica do final do século XX. / This research aims at understanding the aesthetical-political project of the English filmmaker Ken Loach in the course of the history of political art, and as a result of the historical process of crisis of the Left and fragmentation of the working class, intensified throughout the second half of the 20th century. We observe the ways in which the work of Ken Loach establishes relations between the making of a form which possesses a rescue of formal elements (such as melodrama, naturalism, Italian neorealism and Czech New Wave) that have a utopian potential in their origin, and the search for themes that make the class struggle explicit. The refunctionalization of those aesthetical materials brings him closer to the Benjaminian conception of History and the political assumptions of the epic theater of Bertolt Brecht. The movies used as basis for the analysis are Land and Freedom (1995) and Carlas Song (1996), movies whose themes emphasize moments of real states of exception, such as the Spanish civil war and the Nicaraguan revolution. Besides, both films bring about the discussion over the role of political cinema, its possibilities and limitations inside the cultural industry and the socio-historical conjuncture of the end of the 20th century

Partant de la difficulté qu’il y a à définir le « cinéma politique », ce travail se propose dans un premier temps de synthétiser, d’organiser et d’actualiser les savoirs disponibles sur le sujet. L’objectif est d’esquisser un panorama, non des films eux-mêmes, mais des discours théoriques qui accompagnent leur développement et fixent leurs objectifs. Ces discours peuvent être rassemblés en trois grands modes de lecture, en fonction de la définition qu’ils donnent de la politique et de la manière dont ils la rendent disponible pour les films. La deuxième partie procède à partir d’une hypothèse inverse : certes, on peut identifier des formes d’engagement dans les arts, mais on peut également constater que la politique est traversée par des logiques esthétiques, au sens de ce qui a trait à la perception et à la sensation (fictions, procédés de mise en scène, modes de distribution de l’espace et du temps). Or, si l’expérience esthétique est une modalité de l’expérience politique, cela signifie que les œuvres d’art peuvent avoir un rôle à jouer dans la manière dont une société se donne à voir, à éprouver, se transforme. À partir de là, il reste à imaginer les conséquences de cette hypothèse dans le champ de la théorie du cinéma, l’enjeu étant de parvenir à formuler un quatrième mode de lecture des films : la lecture esthétique. Les onze thèses qui composent la troisième partie s’efforcent d’en dessiner les contours, sur le plan à la fois théorique et méthodologique. Enfin, des analyses de films des années 1960 (une période qui passe souvent pour « moins politique » que la suivante) viennent mettre en pratique la lecture esthétique, explorer ses possibilités, éprouver ses limites. Chaque analyse se présente comme le contrechamp d’une thèse, de manière à illustrer la complémentarité des discours et des images. L’ambition de ce travail est donc de proposer une nouvelle analytique du cinéma politique, mais aussi de montrer ce que les films sont susceptibles d’ajouter aux problèmes politiques dont ils héritent. / Noticing how difficult it is to understand the notion of “political cinema”, I intend to summarize, arrange and update the knowledge on this subject. Part I presents an overview of theoretical discourses that try to define the purpose of political films. These theories can be gathered into three major reading frameworks, depending on the definition of politics they rely on and the way they extend it to include filmic phenomena. Part II reverses the perspective: it certainly is possible to identify several forms of commitment in the movies, but one can also notice that politics itself is woven from aesthetic logics, i.e. issues of perception and sensation (fictions, staging, directing, partitions of space and time). Yet if aesthetic experience is involved in political experience, it means that works of art can play a crucial part in the way a given society takes its definite shape, produces determined feelings, evolves. This hypothesis prepares the ground for a fourth reading framework that I present as a legitimate candidate to fulfill the task of understanding political cinema: the aesthetic reading. Part III consists of eleven theses that try to outline it, from both a theoretical and a methodological point of view. Finally, I put the aesthetic reading into practice by providing analyses of films from the 1960’s, a time often seen as “poorly committed”. The intention is to investigate the relevance of the aesthetic reading and its limits. Since politics is about discourses and images complementing one another, the whole part adopts an alternate structure, each analysis immediately following and expanding on a thesis. This study thus aims at renewing the methods and purposes of political film analysis, but also intends to understand what a film can do to the political problems it inherits.

Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar a produção fílmica do cineasta norte-americano Michael Moore, tendo como questão central a relação que se estabelece entre arte e política num momento histórico que, de um lado, aponta para a crise do capitalismo e, de outro, para a fragmentação política da classe trabalhadora. A partir da análise formal de dois de seus filmes, estabelecemos uma relação com os momentos históricos que lhes deram condições de produção, a fim de compreender o método desenvolvido pelo cineasta para lidar com a crise de representação e comunicação vivida pela arte política nas últimas décadas. Os dois filmes escolhidos para tal análise são Roger e Eu (Roger & Me, 1989) e Capitalismo: uma história de amor (Capitalism: a love story, 2009). Ambos os filmes possuem diagnósticos de momentos distintos da crise do capitalismo, juntamente com a constatação de que existe um desmonte da classe trabalhadora, fruto de uma série de mudanças econômicas, políticas e culturais, especialmente ao longo da segunda metade do século XX e início do XXI. Este trabalho faz um estudo comparativo dos dois filmes, traçando as continuidades e mudanças estéticas e políticas ocorridas na obra de Michael Moore num intervalo de duas décadas, bem como sua relação com as condições de representação da luta de classes dentro da cultura norte-americana. Esta pesquisa reflete sobre o surgimento do fenômeno Michael Moore como parte de um processo de construção e desconstrução de uma tradição da classe trabalhadora norte-americana. / This research aims to analyze the film production of the American filmmaker Michael Moore, proposing as a central question the relationship established between art and politics in a historical moment which, on one side, points to the crisis of capitalism and, on the other side, to the political fragmentation of the working class. Starting from the formal analysis of two of his films, we have established a relationship with the historical moments which gave conditions of production to them, in order to understand the method developed by the filmmaker to deal with the crisis of representation and communication experienced by political art in the last decades. The two films chosen for this analysis are Roger & Me (1989) and Capitalism: a love story (2009). Both films have different diagnoses of the distinct moments of the capitalist crisis, along with the realization of the fact there is a dismantling of the working class, result of a series of economic, political and cultural chances, especially during the second half of the 20th century and early 21st century. This research makes a comparison between the two films, tracing the aesthetic and political continuities and changes in the work of Michael Moore which happened throughout two decades, as well as its relation to the conditions of representation of class struggle in American culture. This work reflects on the rise of the Michael Moore phenomenon as part of a process of construction and deconstruction of a tradition of the American working class.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal. / Pour respecter les droits d'auteur, la version électronique de cette thèse ou ce mémoire a été dépouillée, le cas échéant, de ses documents visuels et audio-visuels. La version intégrale de la thèse ou du mémoire a été déposée au Service de la gestion des documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Este trabalho analisa filmes do cineasta Chris Marker que indagaram sobre a Unidade Popular do Chile nos anos 1970. Entre as produções abordadas, estão duas que foram remontadas a partir de documentários chilenos feitos durante o governo de Salvador Allende: La première année (1973) e On vous parle du Chili: ce que disait Allende (1973). Além disso, mais três filmes desse realizador se dedicaram ao tema: La Spirale (1976), Lambassade (1974) e O fundo do ar é vermelho (1977). Por meio do estudo dessa filmografia, identificaram-se quais foram as estratégias narrativas utilizadas e qual foi o discurso político sobre a chamada experiência chilena que essas estratégias elaboraram. A reflexão sobre o corpus permitiu verificar que o interesse por esse processo, visto desde a França, emergiu do espaço deixado pelas frequentes desilusões diante de uma referência política anterior, igualmente vinda da América Latina e que havia motivado os debates da esquerda francesa na década de 1960: a Revolução Cubana. Assim, optou-se por incluir também na pesquisa produções markerianas que nasceram do contato entre esse realizador e o Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematográficos (ICAIC): Cuba si (1961), La bataille des dix millions (1970), On vous parle du Brésil: tortures (1969) e On vous parle du Brésil: Carlos Marighela (1970). A análise dos filmes elencados revela que, durante os anos da UP no poder, houve uma vontade de aproximação entre Chile e França que valorizava os caminhos empregados pela via chilena ao socialismo, apontando-os como possibilidades para uma Nova Esquerda europeia. Porém, com o golpe de Estado de 1973, essa postura passou por uma revisão, e a experiência chilena serviu à elaboração de leituras que apontassem um legado e lições que poderiam ser retirados da queda da Unidade Popular. Nesse sentido, as produções de Marker fazem uma denúncia das ações da direita que derrubaram Allende, bem como constroem uma visão autocrítica que indica os erros cometidos pela própria esquerda que possibilitaram essa derrota. Essa tentativa de atribuir um legado e lições buscava responder sobretudo aos anseios de uma esquerda francesa que dispunha de um programa comum de governo fortemente inspirado naquele da UP chilena, mas que deveria ser submetido a uma revisão após o fracasso de sua referência latinoamericana. Sob essa visão, esta tese propõe um estudo voltado à circulação de ideias culturais e políticas entre América Latina e França, que delega ao continente um papel central nessa relação durante os anos 1960 e 1970 e a Chris Marker a função de um mediador cinematográfico. / This work analyses the Chris Markers films that inquired about the Popular Unity in the 1970s. Among the productions approached, two of them have been reassembled from other Chilean documentaries that had been made during the Salvador Allendes government: La première année (1973) and On vous parle du Chili: ce que disait Allende (1973). Furthermore, three other films by Chris Marker have analysed this subject: La Spirale (1976), The embassy (1974) and The grin without a cat (1977). By studying his filmography, this research could identify the narratives strategies that had been used by the director, as well as the political discourse elaborated by them. The reflections about the corpus allowed verify how the interest for this Chilean process, viewed from France, has emerged from an empty space left by the usual delusion given by an earlier reference that had motivated the French left during the 1960s, also gone from Latin-American: the Cuban Revolution. So, we chose to also include in the research the Markers productions came from the relationship between this director and the Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematográficos (ICAIC): Cuba si (1961), La bataille des dix millions (1970), On vous parle du Brésil: tortures (1969) and On vous parle du Brésil: Carlos Marighela (1970). The analysis of the films-selected shows that, during the UPs years in the power, there was a wish to approach Chile and France by valorising the Chileans way to the socialism and pointing it as a possibility to the European New Left. However, after the coup détat in 1973, this attempt has been revised and the Chilean experience has been used to elaborate lectures that pointed a legacy and lessons from the follow of Popular Unity. In this sense, the Markers productions denounce the rights actions to overthrow Allende, as well as built a self-criticism vision to indicate the lefts mistakes that had collaborated to the defeat. This wish to show a legacy and lessons has dialogued with the expectations of a Frenchs left that had have a common government programme tightly inspired in the Chileans UP ones, but that has required a revision after the failure of its Latin-American reference. From this point of view, this thesis proposes a study based on the circulation of cultural and political ideas between Latin American and France that delegated to this continent a central role in this relationship during the 1960s and the 1970s, and assigned to Chris Marker the function of a cinematographic mediator.

En se concentrant sur une période courte et libératrice de l’histoire du Portugal contemporain, ce travail vise à établir ce que la révolution, pensée comme processus, événement et rupture, a provoqué dans la production cinématographique. L’aire chronologique correspond donc aux années de la Révolution portugaise de 1974-1975 puis ses soubresauts jusqu’en 1982.Pour saisir ce moment complexe et singulier, l’observation des liens entre cinéma et politique est proposée à travers les rapports de force existants entre le régime, les institutions et le monde du cinéma. L’existence d’un cinéma révolutionnaire, qui accompagne un processus de changement social et politique radical et se révolutionne lui-même, se perçoit à travers des conflits et des enjeux de pouvoir. De la remise en question du modèle de production – l’avènement d’un modèle coopérativiste – à la volonté de diffuser autrement les films, en passant par les problématiques soulevées par la politisation des pratiques artistiques, les cinéastes n’ont alors eu de cesse de pouvoir mettre en crise les modalités de création. L’analyse de plusieurs films particulièrement significatifs montre que la rencontre entre la révolution et le cinéma offre des potentialités créatives nombreuses : des saillies pamphlétaires manifestent les nécessités du processus, les usages du cinéma-direct semblent faire corps avec l’événement, et l’idée de film-révolution au cœur de Bon peuple portugais (Bom Povo Português, 1981) de Rui Simões incarne, au cinéma, la rupture ouverte par le fait politique.Ce travail est animé par une double ambition. D’abord, grâce aux témoignages des cinéastes et producteurs de l’époque, il s’agit de proposer de nouveaux éclairages sur un pan encore méconnu et sous-évalué de l’histoire du cinéma portugais. Ensuite, à la faveur de l’étude des rencontres pratiques et formelles entre un processus historique et l’esthétique, les voies explorées dans la thèse voudraient contribuer à enrichir une histoire du cinéma engagé. / Focusing on a short and liberating time of recent Portugal history, this work aims to establish that the idea of revolution, understood as a process, but also as an event and a rupture, has provoked a specific film production. The chronological area thus corresponds to the years of the Portuguese Revolution of 1974-1975 and its upheavals until 1982.To grasp this singular moment in all its complexity, the observation of the links between cinema and politics is proposed through the balance of power existing between the regime, the institutions and the cinema world. The existence of a revolutionary cinema able to follow the radical changes in society can be seen through conflicts and power issues. Then, filmmakers would question the possibilities of creation in that context: experiences of collective production, alternative distribution, and new practices of militant cinema are all examples of different modalities of creation.The study of various films, and the confrontation between revolution and cinema, show an offer of many creative potentialities: from anticapitalist movies which follow the process to the uses of Direct cinema embodying the event, and finally, the arising of Good Portuguese People (Bom Povo Português, 1981) by Rui Simões, mark an aesthetical rupture in response to the political change.This dissertation has a dual ambition. First, it is important to propose new enlightments on this yet unknown and underevaluated part of Portuguese cinema, with the help of testimonies from filmmakers and producers of that period. Then, observing practical and visual exchanges between the historical process and aesthetics, the paths explored here would contribute to enriching a history of engaged cinema.

Esta tese analisa as representações estéticas e ideológicas na prática do documentário no Nuevo Cine Latinoamericano (NCL) a partir dos discursos dos cineastas Geraldo Sarno (Brasil), Raymundo Gleyzer (Argentina) e Santiago Álvarez (Cuba), entre os anos de 1964 e 1974. Para isso, estabelecemos paralelos entre a prática das realizações destes cineastas e os ideais e posições teóricas defendidos nos manifestos cinematográficos produzidos nestes países; bem como examinamos as vozes da produção discursiva que, neste período, enunciavam o cinema como instrumento de transformação social na América Latina. Além disso, investigou-se o processo de produção (da filmagem à exibição), elemento-chave para se entender o cinema social, militante e revolucionário dessa época, já que estes cineastas atuavam via de regra fora do circuito comercial de exibição. Por fim, indagamos em que medida o documentário se constituiu enquanto narrativa histórica. Em suma, a pesquisa almejou aprofundar os estudos sobre a produção documental no Nuevo Cine Latinoamericano, buscando interações entre teoria e prática, cinema e história e os significados dessas produções documentais para esse momento histórico, político e cultural da América Latina. / This tesis analyzes the aesthetic and ideological representations in the practice of documentary in the New Latin American Cinema (NCL) from the speeches Raymundo Gleyzer (Argentina), Geraldo Sarno (Brazil) and Santiago Álvarez (Cuba), between the years 1964 and 1974. For this, we established parallels between the practice of the achievements of these filmmakers and theoretical positions espoused in manifestos film produced in these countries, as well as examined the voices of discursive production, which, in this period, enunciated the cinema as a tool of social transformation in Latin America. Furthermore, we investigated the process of production (filming to distribution), a key element for understanding the political cinema of that time, as these filmmakers acted as a rule outside the commercial circuit display. Finally, we inquired how the documentary can be a historical narrative. In short, this research purposed to deepen the studies of the documentary in the New Latin American Cinema, seeking interactions between theory and practice, film and history and the meanings of these documentary productions for this moment in history, politics and culture in Latin America