The historiography of the Cuban Revolution includes numerous accounts which detail the responses to Batista's coup. The fact that anti-Batista sentiments were very popular in Cuba, and that several revolutionary groups existed has also been highly documented. Nonetheless, the most highly recognized insurrectional organization remains Castro's M-26-7. The goal of my thesis is to explain the steps which Castro took in order to remove all competition, allowing him to remain the only figure left in power. The process in which Castro came to power will be analyzed in order to gain a better understanding of how he orchestrated the removal of other revolutionary groups. My thesis will show that Castro purposely aided some groups, when it was to his benefit, but also denied aid to these same groups when he knew that he could gain an advantage over them. An analysis of the manifestos will reveal that most anti-Batista groups had their own agendas and that often times they were attempting to work together in order to coordinate Cuba's future. I will focus on primary source materials such as eye witness accounts, historical publications, diaries and newspapers. I intend on analyzing Castro's M-26-7, from the time of his attack of the Moncada Barracks, through the course of the insurrection itself, and his final actions as Batista fled Cuba in 1959. By investigating the actions that were taken by Castro and his followers, in light of how those actions affected the other revolutionaries groups, will shed light on why certain decisions were made by the M-26-7. The outcome of this research will show that the M-26-7 orchestrated their actions with the sole purpose of bringing Castro to power when the insurrection war was over.

The political ideologies that Martí envisioned of an America free from the inherited yoke of European ideals were taken by Fidel Castro as an anti-imperialist discourse. Therefore, Marti’s political vision on the power that the United States began to carry out at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century was an excellent strategy to establish the anti-imperialist character of the Cuban revolution. Since 1961, Castro set Martí as the face of his Marxist-Leninist ideology to institute his anti-American philosophy; Castro created a myth of Marti’s persona, and converted him into the bastion of his political ideology. As a result, Castro distorted the revolutionary ideas of Marti’s. Castro proposed his ideas out of context and portrayed the incorrect idea of this great thinker and poet. Martí’s human ethic and love for the independence of Cuba placed Martí as a liberator of revolutionary and progressive ideas of his generation. Martí was not thought as a dictator and never was a man who lacked democratic values. The expressed analytical assimilation of Martí on his sociopolitical and economic juncture that was presented in America and Cuba was used to trace the political anti-imperialist propaganda by the dictatorial regime lead by Castro. This thesis will emphasize the persona of Jose Martí as a revolutionary, visionary and educator of his generation, then it will present the incorrect interpretation of Marti’s ideology by Fidel Castro, as an ideal to embark his revolution. Finally, the differences of his ideas in contrast to the political and social ideology of the Cuban revolution will be explained.

This thesis explores how the Cuban writer and anthropologist, Lydia Cabrera, experienced exile following the Cuban Revolution of 1959. Cabrera’s personal letters and photos show that she endured a nontypical exile experience. Instead, Cabrera is an example of a transnational exile, because throughout her life she remained both professionally and personally connected to people in multiple locations. Although discussion regarding the Cuban Revolution describes its transnational scope, for Cabrera and similar transnational figures, the events of 1959 meant a disruption to their longstanding international networks. In this way, this thesis will present evidence of Cabrera’s transnational connections and her response to disruption of these networks from 1960 – 1962. Key sources for this thesis can be found in the archival holdings at the University of Miami’s Cuban Historical Collection in Coral Gables, FL.

Orientador: Carlos Alberto Sampaio Barbosa / Banca: José Luis Beired / Banca: Sílvia Cezar Miskulin / Resumo: Entre o doce e o amargo, a cultura e a política, a revolução e o exílio, descortina-se a frágil e quase imperceptível fronteira das representações impressas nos livros de memórias de Carlos Franqui e Guillermo Cabrera Infante, que situam e definem contornos aos itinerários culturais e políticos desses dois intelectuais de esquerda dentro da Revolução Cubana. Amigos de longa data, desde tenra juventude em Habana Vieja, o jornalista Carlos Franqui e o renomado escritor Guillermo Cabrera Infante não somente apresentaram participações ativas dentro do processo revolucionário cubano como também, alguns anos depois, dele se tornaram dissidentes e ácidos críticos. Nesta pesquisa, utilizamos as autobiografias produzidas pelos dois autores a fim de compreender os meandros que os levaram do engajamento à dissidência, mapeando as nuances de uma página recente da história cultural de Cuba: o exílio levado a cabo pela intelectualidade cubana de esquerda em relação ao regime de Fidel Castro / Abstract: Between the sweet and the bitter, the culture and the politics, the revolution and the exile, opens up the fragile and almost imperceptible boundary representations of the captured memoirs of Carlos Franqui and Guillermo Cabrera Infante who place contours and define the cultural and political routes of these two left-wing intellectuals in the Cuban Revolution. Longtime friends from early youth in Habana Vieja, the journalist Carlos Franqui and the writer Guillermo Cabrera Infante had not only active participation in the Cuban revolutionary process as well as a few years later became its dissidents and critics acids. In this research, we used the autobiographies produced by the two authors in order to understand the intricacies leaving them from the commitment to the dissent, mapping the nuances of a page's recent cultural history of Cuba: the exile carried out by Cuban intellectuals of the left against the Castro regime / Mestre

Orientador: Carlos Alberto Sampaio Barbosa / Banca: Charles Monteiro / Banca: José Luis Bendicho Beired / Resumo: Gestado nas matas da Sierra Maestra, em meio aos conflitos entre rebeldes e a ditadura de Fulgencio Batista (1952-1958), o jornal Revolución dirigido por Carlos Franqui cumpria o papel de divulgar as conquistas e os ideais dos insurgentes. Com o triunfo da Revolução em 1959, o periódico deixou a clandestinidade e tornou-se um influente veículo de informação do período. Nele trabalharam vários profissionais entre os quais, fotógrafos cujos frutos de suas produções cooperaram na eternização da Revolução como um dos eventos significativos do século XX. Depois dessa virada histórica, os holofotes dos principais meios de comunicação do mundo passaram a dedicar maior atenção aos passos que seriam dados por aquele país. Logo nos primeiros meses, o jovem governo revolucionário encetou uma série de reformas em vários âmbitos da sociedade, sobretudo em regiões rurais onde predominaram durante décadas a pobreza e a ausência de serviços básicos como educação e saúde. Diante das lentes dos fotógrafos de Revolución, os camponeses cubanos passaram a ter suas condições de vida e seus rostos propagados por toda a Ilha, ao passo em que um imaginário sobre si era construído no intuito de sensibilizar, conscientizar e mobilizar a sociedade, principalmente dos centros urbanos, a participarem do processo de mudanças sociopolíticas do país. Porém, os resultados obtidos a partir da meticulosa análise quantitativa e qualitativa do montante de fotografias presentes tanto no jornal quanto no seu suplemento Campo de Revolución, organizadas e catalogadas mostraram que a moldagem desse imaginário não fora unívoca ou rígida, pois a realidade histórica vivida intensamente pelos cubanos nos primeiros três anos tornou-a flexível. Além disso, a metodologia empregada na análise das fotografias permitiu-nos discutir outros assuntos inerentes ao universo rural cubano / Abstract: Raised in the forests of the Sierra Maestra, amid conflicts between rebels and the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista (1952-1958), the newspaper Revolución led by Carlos Franqui played the role of publicizing the achievements and ideals of the insurgents. With the triumph of the Revolution in 1959, the newspaper left the clandestine and became an influential vehicle of information of the period. In it worked several professionals among whom, photographers whose fruits of their productions cooperated in the eternalization of the Revolution like one of the significant events of century XX. After this historic turnaround, the spotlight of the world's mainstream media began to pay more attention to the steps that would be taken by that country. In the early months, the young revolutionary government embarked on a series of reforms in various areas of society, particularly in rural areas where poverty and lack of basic services such as education and health prevailed for decades. Faced with the lenses of the photographers of Revolución, the Cuban peasants began to have their living conditions and their faces propagated throughout the Island, while an imaginary about themselves was built in order to raise awareness, raise awareness and mobilize society, especially the urban centers to participate in the process of socio-political changes in the country. However, the results obtained from the meticulous quantitative and qualitative analysis of the amount of photographs present in both the newspaper and its Campo de Revolución supplement, organized and cataloged, showed that the molding of this imagery was not unequivocal or rigid, since the historical reality lived intensely by Cubans in the first three years made it flexible. In addition, the methodology used in the analysis of the photographs allowed us to discuss other subjects inherent to the Cuban rural universe / Mestre

<p><bold>This dissertation deals with Cuban art criticism and other written texts related to Abstract Art. From a critical perspective that relates art to society and political and institutional practices, all of the above texts are interpreted as bearers of aesthetic ideologies, which are expressed in the paradigms from which Art Criticism attempted to validate Abstraction. This study further demonstrates that the dominant discourses in the realm of Art Criticism are strongly related to Ideological State Apparatuses. Art Criticism not only mediates between the artwork and the spectator, but also between artistic acts of provocation and the establishment.</p><p> Abstraction in Cuba constituted an important axis in the polemic between autonomous art and socially committed art, but the debates themselves were subsumed in ideological and even political battlefields. Art Criticism oriented these debates, by emphasizing certain problems, and diminishing the importance of other ones. </p><p>This dissertation is organized in function of the dominant questions that Cuban Art Criticism addressed. The first chapter accordingly deals with definitions of abstract art that were prevalent in art writing and publications from 1948 to 1957, a period in which Art Criticism is mostly concerned with the autonomy of art. The second chapter follows the debates about the social commitment of abstract art, which became predominant during the first years of a Marxist-oriented Revolution. This polemic is implicit in the emergence of an Anti-Academic movement in the visual arts, and it began to lose its strength once the Cuban Avant-Garde started to gain institutional recognition. After being relegated to a peripheral position, the question concerning the social commitment of Abstract Art became crucial after the triumph of the Revolution. The final chapter deals with the relations between Abstract Art and the diverse documents that embodied and defined the Cultural Policy during the Cuban Revolution. </p><p>Throughout, this study strives to establish the place of Abstract Art in the Institutional, and discursive practices from 1959 onwards. This place is defined by its instability, as it is constituted through intermittencies and steps backwards on the path towards the institutional consecration of non-figurative tendencies. </bold></p> / Dissertation

In this work, we look historically, the relationship between The First Conference of Latin American Solidarity (OLAS of thesis) held in Havana, from July 31st to August 10th 1967 and the Communist Party of Brazil (PCB), founded in 1922, manly, on issues that drives their ideological and political projects for the Latin American context in the 1960s. The resolutions of the Conference indicated the propagation of armed struggle as the only alternative to be pursued by Latin American countries against the U.S. imperialism and the Military-Civil Dictatorship established in Brazil en April of 1964. The proposal to seize power through arms, in search of socialism in Latin American, not only went against went precepts of the Latin American Communist parties, particularly the PCB, as well as put in check the effective participation of political party in the preparation for the revolutionary process in the region, being that the Cuban revolutionary experience transcended the classical Leninist strategy that envisioned in the forefront of the struggle of classes the need of representation by a communist party. OLAS was the starting point to institutionalize Cuba´s point of view regarding strategy praxis for the development of revolution in American, obligating Brazil´s political-left, PCB, to defend internally it´s programmatic resolutions, positioning itself against Cuba´s strategy of exporting their focused model of revolution, not only for the situation of Brazilian society, but also for Latin America´s. The thrust of the bibliographical analysis is the confrontation of meanings used by the concepts that organize the theme of the revolution in OLAS´s document and the response given by PCB where issues like the enemy to combat, the character of the revolution, the methods of struggle; the role of the working class´s vanguard party, and national or continental character of the revolution gain relevance. We believe that facing the clash that occurred between the OLAS, and in particular, the PCB, starting mid 1960s, both organizations, political parties or not, related or not, sought in Latin America´s convoluted scenario to counter-act America´s imperialist ordinance and find alternative but diverting paths, for the achievement of socialism. / Neste trabalho, tentaremos analisar historicamente, a relação entre A Primeira Conferência Latino-Americana de Solidariedade (OLAS) reunida em Havana, de 31 de julho a 10 de agosto de 1967 e o Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB), fundado no ano de 1922, principalmente nas questões que tangem seus projetos políticos e ideológicos para o contexto latino-americano na década de 1960. As resoluções da Conferência acenavam para uma propagação da luta armada como única alternativa a ser seguida pelos países latino-americanos contra o imperialismo norte-americano e a Ditadura Civil-Militar instaurada no Brasil em abril de 1964. Essa proposta de tomada do poder, através das armas, em busca do socialismo na América Latina, não só ia contra os preceitos dos partidos comunistas latino-americanos, em especial, do PCB, como também, colocava em cheque a participação efetiva de um Partido para a preparação do processo revolucionário na região, uma vez que a experiência revolucionária cubana havia transcendido aquela estratégia clássica leninista que via na vanguarda da luta de classes a necessidade de ser representada por um partido comunista. A partir da OLAS institucionaliza-se o ponto de vista cubano sobre a estratégia da práxis para o desencadeamento da revolução na América Latina. Essa obriga a esquerda brasileira, o PCB, a defender internamente suas resoluções programáticas, posicionando-se contra a tática de os cubanos exportarem seu modelo foquista de revolução, não só para a conjuntura da sociedade brasileira, mas também latino-americana. O fio condutor da análise bibliográfica é a confrontação dos significados assumidos pelos conceitos que organizam a temática da revolução no documento da OLAS e na resposta dada pelo PCB, em que temas como o inimigo a se combater; o caráter da revolução; os métodos de luta; o papel do partido de vanguarda da classe operária; e o caráter nacional ou continental da revolução ganham relevância. Entende-se que, diante do embate que ocorrera entre a OLAS e, em especial, o PCB, a partir de meados década de 1960, ambas as organizações partidárias ou não, associadas ou não, procuraram no convulsionado cenário latino-americano se contrapor aos ditames do imperialismo norte-americano e encontrar caminhos alternativos, porém divergentes, para a consecução do socialismo.

The cultural dimension of the Cuban Revolution (1959) has an unquestionable reference: Casa de las Américas, international symbol of Cuba in the field of the arts. Of its multiple artistic expression, we have put our focus in the literary prizes with which this institution recognizes children’s literary creation, and our working hypothesis is that Casa de las Américas has played an essential role in the development and consolidation, in the Latin American context, of a genre that even today in day is considered minor. The goal of our study is therefore to investigate and analyze the reasons offered for that hypothesis, proving its veracity. Because of the link between the entity and the Cuban revolution, the first chapter is dedicated to deepen the knowledge of the political context in which emerges Casa de las Americas, while in the second one we rescue the literary precedents from an essential figure, José Martí, to the direct antecedent of the award, the first Forum of Literature for Children and Young People (1972). The third and final chapter is devoted entirely to the award, establishing and analyzing the works that compose the corpus.

No description available.

Neste trabalho analisamos a história do Instituto Cubano del Arte e Indústria Cinematográficos, primeiro organismo cultural criado após a Revolução cubana, e seu papel na política cultural, entre 1959 e 1991. Por meio da análise de documentos da política cultural, da revista Cine Cubano, além de depoimentos, críticas e alguns filmes que repercutiram especialmente os dilemas e questionamentos dos intelectuais cubanos, abordamos as tensões entre a política cultural oficial, o ICAIC e os projetos dos cineastas. Esse Instituto, pelo qual circularam muitos cineastas latino-americanos e europeus, foi palco de debates, disputas políticas e diversas polêmicas envolvendo filmes e tendências estéticas, como o realismo socialista e a nouvelle vague. Nossa tese é de que o ICAIC, pode ser considerado uma instituição privilegiada no meio cultural cubano, pois consolidou uma autonomia relativa em relação aos mecanismos de controle governamentais, por meio da ação dos cineastas e da mediação da direção do Instituto. Esta autonomia foi abalada, em diversos momentos, em função de fatores como a reestruturação do Estado, os fracassos econômicos e o acirramento do autoritarismo em Cuba, principalmente a partir dos anos 70. Ainda assim, o Instituto se readaptou às demandas políticas governamentais num jogo político de adesão e resistência à política cultural oficial, que tornou possível a produção de vários filmes ambíguos e críticos ao regime, ao longo desse período. / This work analyzes the history of the Cuban Institute for Art and Film Production (ICAIC) ? the first cultural organization created after the Cuban Revolution ? and its role in cultural policy between 1959 and 1991. Through the analysis of documents on cultural policy, the magazine Cine Cubano, in addition to testimonies, critiques and a set of films specifically relevant to the issues and dilemmas of Cuban intellectuals, the thesis delves into the tensions between official cultural policy, the ICAIC, and film makers? projects. Various Latin American and European film makers were involved with the institute, and it served as a forum for debate, political discussions and varied polemics related to film and aesthetic tendencies, including Socialist Realism and New Wave. The thesis proposes that ICAIC constituted a privileged institution in the Cuban cultural environment because ? through the action of film makers and the mediation of the Institute?s leadership ? it attained relative autonomy with respect to mechanisms of government control. This autonomy was unsettled, at different points, by factors such as state restructuring, economic failure and the entrenchment of authoritarianism in Cuba, especially from the 1970s onward. Still, the institute adapted to the demands of government policy through a political dynamic that alternated adhesion and resistance to official cultural policy, making possible the production of various films that were ambiguous and critical of the regime during that period.