Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2004. Graduate Programme in History. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 312-337). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ99170

The aim of this diploma thesis is analysis of roots KPC's successes in elections among Prague voters during interwar period. In the centre of the interest is readiness of historical actors for political activism, active participation in demonstrations and the reasons of less evident support, which was manifested through preferences of voters. By methods of social and cultural history this work reconstructs social nets of participants, supporters, activists and voters of KPC during interwar period with special attention on cause of shift individuals toward communist movement. The complex built from ideological discourse and social representations of power of working class, which was transmitted through organizational structures of party, was created with intention to make working class with strong political consciousness - in the other words, with purpose to create group of convinced communists. To catch the process of construction of communist movement members mentality in point of intersection with activity of communist organisations focused to improve of poor lives of Prague periphery inhabitants can offer new point of view on specific position of communist movement in interwar Czechoslovak society. Key words: Communist movement, slums, interwar Prague, election, political activism, ideological...

In a global media environment characterized by change and conflict, narratives are especially useful to understand how the media form and distribute shared understanding of how the world works and who the important actors are. As the borders between local and global politics are blurred in the digital media landscape, protesters are in increased rate turning their placards to global broadcasters’ cameras, especially when political movements such as the U.S.-based Black Lives Matter movement get international counterparts. The scholarship concerned with the framework through which the media report protests argue the protest paradigm offers useful variables for the study of protests, while problematizing the lack of research on global broadcasting media. Global broadcasters, International Relations scholars argue, need to be understood as resources of soft power that distribute strategic narratives, but they have yet to develop a methodology for how broadcasts can be empirically studied. With this research gap as a point of departure, the chosen case study is the unrest in Ferguson in August 2014. A quantitative mapping and a comparative narrative analysis focusing on the narrative structure were conducted on 16 days of news bulletins from Al Jazeera English, BBC World News and RT. The results show several differences in the reports, the first concerns the amount of attention that was given to Ferguson by each broadcaster, where RT gave almost twice the amount of attention as the other two broadcasters. Further differences were found in the sources each broadcaster used and how they used violence as an entry-point to what their narratives where about, which in the case of AJE was the effects violence has on a society; BBCW’s narrative was of a political issue of high importance that concerns people of color; whereas RT’s narrative was about the militarization of the U.S. police force. The results imply the global broadcasters offer distinctive narratives, which through different storytelling techniques convey different attitudes and morals.

While there are numerous examples of research investigating who would protest and why, the research fields of social movements and political participation have not done enough to understand the motivations of women in protest. Nor are there enough studies of the mobilisation of women in anti-regime protest in a post-communist context. This thesis investigates what motivates women in non-democratic settings to participate in protest, despite the elevated costs and risks given the context. It examines Belarus, a protest movement where women have taken on a prevalent role in the protest movement of 2020. The research design is a within-case study using the method of in-depth interviews. I conduct interviews with ten Belarusian female protesters who are found primarily via a snowball sampling technique. The transcribed interviews are analysed using a framework of collective and selective incentives. The study finds that discontent with the government and belief in the movement’s success are significant motivations, while there is not belief that their own participation will enhance the likelihood of success. Results also show that respondents were motivated by the violence used against protesters, a newfound sense of community between Belarusians, solidarity with protesters, the peaceful repertoires in the movement and group belongingness with other women. Taken together, these results deepen our understanding of protests as motivations in themselves and of motivation as a resource, but foremost of why women protest. The results might incentivise more research to be made on women’s role in protest and motivations to join social movements.

The thesis focuses on the activism of youth political organizations in the Czech Republic. The aim of this work is to monitor their activities between 2013 and 2017 due to activism in general but also to political parties. A protest event analysis based on document analysis was created to monitor activities. The second type of research data was interviews with representatives of youth organizations. This type develops results from protest event analysis. Research has shown differences in attitude to activism between left-wing and right-wing organizations. The left-wing focused on protest more than right-wing organization and also often cooperated with non-profit organizations. While right-wing organizations are quite active, they prefer institutional channel and orderly decency before protest arena. Youth organizations have little to do with events before elections. Though they also support political parties or protest against them, they have realized most of the events because of their own agendas. Most organizations appreciate mutual cooperation in protests, with one exception when cooperation is rejected from both sides.

Thesis (Ph. D. (Criminology)) -- University of Limpopo, 2021 / The 1996 Constitution of the Republic of South Africa [RSA], allows people to protest, demonstrate, picket, and assemble when they believe their constitutional rights have been violated. There are legislations that have been put in place to ensure that while people are showing their dissatisfaction, they do not infringe on the rights of others by engaging in riotous behaviour. The Regulation of Gatherings Act [RGA] (Act 205 of 1993) is one of such acts. This study explored the motivations of violent protests in Malamulele and Vuwani in the Limpopo Province. A qualitative research methodology was utilised and in-depth interviews and focus group discussions were used to collect data. Purposive and snowball sampling techniques were used to sample the people who participated in the protests that occurred in the areas of this study. Thematic Content Analysis was used to analyse the findings from the in-depth interviews and the focus group discussions. The study found that the Malamulele residents were concerned about being in the Thulamela Municipality, and some of their concerns included but were not limited to employment and service delivery. This study found that in Vuwani, the violent protests were influenced by the government’s inability to effectively consult residents in the merger between Vuwani and Malamulele which was done with the intention of quenching the violent protests that had erupted in the Malamulele area. Violence is said to have occurred because the government was unresponsive, and it had failed to provide adequate services and had also made unfulfilled promises. Moreover, this study also found that people engaged in collective violence because of anger and frustration. There were also people who promoted collective violence to gain access to free grocery through looting. The destroying of government properties was seen as punishment to both the community and the government. Some protestors were emotionally disturbed when they saw buildings burning, while some children also learnt to respond with violence when in conflicting situations. The government lost money as they had to refurbish or replace things that they had already provided for. However, in comparison, the participants indicated that it is easy for the government to recover, because they only lose money while the community has to live with the scar of collective violence and its aftermath for a long time.

This thesis investigates the resistance of actors of civil society against perceived militarism, by means of a qualitative case study. As the title suggests, the establishment of a “Cyber Valley” in Tübingen, has not only been met with approval by local citizens. This thesis examines a protest movement against the Cyber Valley – a cooperative research project for technological advancements in Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning. The research reveals that this protest movement was not reliant on a firm organizational structure but was led by an open alliance of individuals, called the Bündnis gegen das Cyber Valley. The organizational approach resulted in various forms of civil resistance. The empirical research on these acts of resistance, adds a perspective for a more holistic approach. On their website (nocybervalley.de) the Bündnis gegen das Cyber Valley documented developments of the protests. These accounts constitute a large part of the written material this study is based on, complemented with semi-structured expert-interviews with four protesters. The interviews generated a conceptualization of militarism, as a driving motivation for the activists. Thereby, this study contributes to the contemporary definition of militarism in the context of civil resistance. The field of peace and conflict studies can benefit from this and similar studies in that they uncover conceptualizations of key conflicts, as perceived by actors of civil society.

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