While there are numerous examples of research investigating who would protest and why, the research fields of social movements and political participation have not done enough to understand the motivations of women in protest. Nor are there enough studies of the mobilisation of women in anti-regime protest in a post-communist context. This thesis investigates what motivates women in non-democratic settings to participate in protest, despite the elevated costs and risks given the context. It examines Belarus, a protest movement where women have taken on a prevalent role in the protest movement of 2020. The research design is a within-case study using the method of in-depth interviews. I conduct interviews with ten Belarusian female protesters who are found primarily via a snowball sampling technique. The transcribed interviews are analysed using a framework of collective and selective incentives. The study finds that discontent with the government and belief in the movement’s success are significant motivations, while there is not belief that their own participation will enhance the likelihood of success. Results also show that respondents were motivated by the violence used against protesters, a newfound sense of community between Belarusians, solidarity with protesters, the peaceful repertoires in the movement and group belongingness with other women. Taken together, these results deepen our understanding of protests as motivations in themselves and of motivation as a resource, but foremost of why women protest. The results might incentivise more research to be made on women’s role in protest and motivations to join social movements.

This thesis investigates the resistance of actors of civil society against perceived militarism, by means of a qualitative case study. As the title suggests, the establishment of a “Cyber Valley” in Tübingen, has not only been met with approval by local citizens. This thesis examines a protest movement against the Cyber Valley – a cooperative research project for technological advancements in Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning. The research reveals that this protest movement was not reliant on a firm organizational structure but was led by an open alliance of individuals, called the Bündnis gegen das Cyber Valley. The organizational approach resulted in various forms of civil resistance. The empirical research on these acts of resistance, adds a perspective for a more holistic approach. On their website (nocybervalley.de) the Bündnis gegen das Cyber Valley documented developments of the protests. These accounts constitute a large part of the written material this study is based on, complemented with semi-structured expert-interviews with four protesters. The interviews generated a conceptualization of militarism, as a driving motivation for the activists. Thereby, this study contributes to the contemporary definition of militarism in the context of civil resistance. The field of peace and conflict studies can benefit from this and similar studies in that they uncover conceptualizations of key conflicts, as perceived by actors of civil society.

No description available.

The author of this dissertation thesis examines causes and intellectual sources of the student protest movement in the Federal Republic of Germany in the 1960s. He presents two societal concepts of post-world war Federal Republic of Germany. The idea of formed society started in the intellectual circles of the federal chancellor Ludwig Erhard. It had its roots in the experience of economic and political downfall of the Weimar republic and the apocaliptic war that followed. The idea of the long march through institutions was formulated by leaders of the student protest movement who saw it as the only way to change society from within after the failure of marxist revolution in western Europe. Although both concepts lost their appeal in the course of history, they still remain an important contribution to the modernisation process of the Federal Republic of Germany and at the same time are an answer to the initial question concerning the causes of the student protest movement.

This exploratory study set out to uncover views from the Occupy Movement’s Johannesburg leg. The Occupy Movement arose in late 2011, aiming to occupy public space and challenge conventional economics, politics, and governance. Data were collected by means of an online survey amongst 39 ‘core’ members of the group. The study took up a mixed methods approach underpinned by critical realism. Basic descriptive statistics and cross tabulations were used to analyse 6 closed-ended survey items in a quantitative fashion; thereafter, 4 open-ended items were qualitatively examined by delineating responses into discursive themes based on response content and positions taken up by respondents in their claims and statements. Finally, a cluster analysis was performed in order to cluster or profile significant groups that emerged from the data based on demographics, selection of closed-ended items, and quantitatively transformed response content to qualitatively examined open-ended items. It was found that the sample mirrored the demographics present in foreign movements as it was primarily male (61.5%), white (87.2%), highly educated (51.4% holding a bachelor’s degree or higher) and young (74.4% in the 21 to 40 age range). Furthermore, it was found that within a group that stood against various macro-level social systems, confidence in all social institutions was extremely low, in particular for big corporations, national government, and political parties. This sample was highly comparable to a representative South African sample as regards their views on the causes of social division; the factors that were seen as most socially divisive (in descending order) were: (1) socio-economic status; (2) race; (3) politics; (4) cultural differences; (5) language; (6) religion; (7) AIDS/disease. Qualitatively, the first item asked whether or not they believed that their movement lacked focus. Upon analysis it was found that four distinct themes existed in response: (1) duality (those revealing support for the movement but disdain for its processes); (2) aggressive justification (vehement justification and defense of the Occupy stance); (3) denial (lacking full knowledge of Occupy processes but ardently defending them while moving away from the difficult questions); (4) straddling the fence (vague and contradictory positions). Members responded to the question of whether their movement differed from foreign movements by stating that it did, based primarily on local socio-historical, economic, and contemporary issues peculiar to South Africa – these members sought a special place for their movement and acted in contradiction to the global Occupy stances; others said no and based this on appeals to homogeneity of cause, global concerns, and an Occupy solidarity. When asked why they, personally, were motivated to engage with the movement, the sample maintained either: (1) the unfair world argument (a strong theme in which perceived ‘systemic unfairness’ proved motivation enough); (2) socialist argument (a string of socialist-based positions connected to classic socialist disdain for the creation of capital, accruing of personal wealth, estrangement of labourers from produce etc.); (3) personal plight argument (exclusively personal standpoints appealing to individual socio-economic woes). Finally, pressure was placed upon the Occupy protestors to reveal what their ideal, utopian society would look like, given the option. The sample called for: (1) orthodox anarchy (stark calls for 4 absolute anarchy); (2) anarchic socialism (marrying socialism and anarchy – less extreme than anarchy, more equal than capitalism, incorporating multiple freedoms and backed by orthodox socialist rhetoric); (3) advancing through decentralized civil society (no clear ideology, rather providing a special place for civil society with few central power structures; driving forth through family and community); (4) fundamental equality and freedom (emphasis of final desires over process and ideology with a belief that society does not require strict regulation, it rather holds its own ‘homeostatic’ capabilities). The hierarchical cluster analysis for this study found 4 distinct clusters; each cluster was defined by a generally homogeneous set of responses and demographics. Significantly, cluster 3 included 50% of the cases analysed (50% of the sample) and uncovered a common profile (homogeneous demographics, vastly similar stances on sources of social division, similarity in terms of confidence in social institutions, and agreement on the rationale and motivation to be personally involvement in Occupy). Cluster 4 consisted of so-called outliers. / Psychology / M. A.( Psychology with specialisation in Research Consultation)

This exploratory study set out to uncover views from the Occupy Movement’s Johannesburg leg. The Occupy Movement arose in late 2011, aiming to occupy public space and challenge conventional economics, politics, and governance. Data were collected by means of an online survey amongst 39 ‘core’ members of the group. The study took up a mixed methods approach underpinned by critical realism. Basic descriptive statistics and cross tabulations were used to analyse 6 closed-ended survey items in a quantitative fashion; thereafter, 4 open-ended items were qualitatively examined by delineating responses into discursive themes based on response content and positions taken up by respondents in their claims and statements. Finally, a cluster analysis was performed in order to cluster or profile significant groups that emerged from the data based on demographics, selection of closed-ended items, and quantitatively transformed response content to qualitatively examined open-ended items. It was found that the sample mirrored the demographics present in foreign movements as it was primarily male (61.5%), white (87.2%), highly educated (51.4% holding a bachelor’s degree or higher) and young (74.4% in the 21 to 40 age range). Furthermore, it was found that within a group that stood against various macro-level social systems, confidence in all social institutions was extremely low, in particular for big corporations, national government, and political parties. This sample was highly comparable to a representative South African sample as regards their views on the causes of social division; the factors that were seen as most socially divisive (in descending order) were: (1) socio-economic status; (2) race; (3) politics; (4) cultural differences; (5) language; (6) religion; (7) AIDS/disease. Qualitatively, the first item asked whether or not they believed that their movement lacked focus. Upon analysis it was found that four distinct themes existed in response: (1) duality (those revealing support for the movement but disdain for its processes); (2) aggressive justification (vehement justification and defense of the Occupy stance); (3) denial (lacking full knowledge of Occupy processes but ardently defending them while moving away from the difficult questions); (4) straddling the fence (vague and contradictory positions). Members responded to the question of whether their movement differed from foreign movements by stating that it did, based primarily on local socio-historical, economic, and contemporary issues peculiar to South Africa – these members sought a special place for their movement and acted in contradiction to the global Occupy stances; others said no and based this on appeals to homogeneity of cause, global concerns, and an Occupy solidarity. When asked why they, personally, were motivated to engage with the movement, the sample maintained either: (1) the unfair world argument (a strong theme in which perceived ‘systemic unfairness’ proved motivation enough); (2) socialist argument (a string of socialist-based positions connected to classic socialist disdain for the creation of capital, accruing of personal wealth, estrangement of labourers from produce etc.); (3) personal plight argument (exclusively personal standpoints appealing to individual socio-economic woes). Finally, pressure was placed upon the Occupy protestors to reveal what their ideal, utopian society would look like, given the option. The sample called for: (1) orthodox anarchy (stark calls for 4 absolute anarchy); (2) anarchic socialism (marrying socialism and anarchy – less extreme than anarchy, more equal than capitalism, incorporating multiple freedoms and backed by orthodox socialist rhetoric); (3) advancing through decentralized civil society (no clear ideology, rather providing a special place for civil society with few central power structures; driving forth through family and community); (4) fundamental equality and freedom (emphasis of final desires over process and ideology with a belief that society does not require strict regulation, it rather holds its own ‘homeostatic’ capabilities). The hierarchical cluster analysis for this study found 4 distinct clusters; each cluster was defined by a generally homogeneous set of responses and demographics. Significantly, cluster 3 included 50% of the cases analysed (50% of the sample) and uncovered a common profile (homogeneous demographics, vastly similar stances on sources of social division, similarity in terms of confidence in social institutions, and agreement on the rationale and motivation to be personally involvement in Occupy). Cluster 4 consisted of so-called outliers. / Psychology / M. A.( Psychology with specialisation in Research Consultation)

The dissertation thesis concerns with the issue of the left-wing terrorism in Italy and Federal Republic of Germany in the 1970s. The chosen topic is approached using the methods of transnational studies, which have been thus far applied only exceptionally in the relation to this phenomenon, despite the numerous parallels in different countries. The focus of the research lies in the analysis of the German-Italian terrorist network as a whole, the contacts between the organizations and mutual influence. The direct and indirect comparison of the cooperating terrorist organizations is also a substantial part of the thesis. The protest movement, which spread at the end of the 1960s and from which emerged the future terrorist groups as its most radical branches, was an important transnational phenomenon itself. The first chapter concerns with the analysis of this movement, emphasizing the reasons of its inception and its stances on political violence. The student and worker aspects of the movement are introduced, as well as older roots in the anti-fascist resistance or in the work of the Marxist authors. The thesis finds a special inspiration for the radicalizing Left in the events in the Third World. The thesis further examines the individual terrorist groups, chosen according to their importance and relevance...

Questa ricerca si propone di contribuire ad una prima analisi storiografica del ciclo di protesta esploso in Italia nel 1977. A nove anni dal ’68, la contestazione tornò ad agitare le università e le piazze, lottando sul terreno della creatività e dell’ironia, ma esprimendo contestualmente una forte carica violenta. L’illegalità di massa e la guerriglia diffusa finirono infatti per ingrossare le fila del «partito armato» e del terrorismo. Il ‘movimento’ degli indiani metropolitani e delle P38, proprio in ragione di questa ambiguità, fatica ancora a trovare una descrizione esaustiva, mentre la sua escalation violenta è ancora in attesa di un’eziologia convincente. Questo studio tenta quindi, in primo luogo, di ricostruire un’immagine unitaria e realistica di quel fenomeno socio-politico, a partire dalle fonti del ‘movimento’ e dalle cronache. In secondo luogo, integra la variabile istituzionale nello studio della protesta, al fine di verificare quale grado di influenza ebbe lo Stato sui processi di riattivazione della mobilitazione e, soprattutto, sulla radicalizzazione dello scontro. Il focus dell’analisi è rappresentato dall’azione assai controversa del ministero dell’Interno, allora guidato da Francesco Cossiga, che viene qui ricostruita sulla base di documenti provenienti dagli archivi di Stato. Il policing of protest è infine messo a confronto con quello della Francia dei primi anni dopo il maggio ’68, quando l’estrema sinistra minacciò una deriva violenta ma si arrestò prima di passare all’atto. / his research aims to contribute to a first preliminary historiographical analysis of the cycle of protest which spread out in Italy in 1977. Nine years after 1968, revolts started again on in the streets and inside universities. This new wave of protest was characterized by the use of creativity and humour but also by the acceptance of the violence: illegal action and urban guerrilla warfare became quite common and contributed to the expansion of the red terrorism. As a matter of fact, this ‘movement’ shows an inherent ambiguity: it put together political emulators of Dadaism with old-styled armed revolutionaries. Therefore, it is still hard and an open challenge to find an inclusive description of it and the escalation of political violence is still waiting for a convincing aetiology. The objective of this is research is twofold. On the one hand, it tries to rebuild a coherent and realistic picture of this phenomenon under analysis, adopting insider sources of the ‘movement’ and chronicles. On the other hand, it aims at integrating the institutional variable in the study of the protest, in order to verify to which extent the State was can be held responsible for the mobilization processes and, especially, for the radicalization of the social conflict. The analysis is centred on the action of the ministry of Interior and based on records from State archives. The Italian policing of protest is finally compared with to the case study of France during the first years after May 68. At that time, extreme-left activists threatened a similar escalation of violence, but they came to a halt before shooting.

Die Kernfrage meiner Arbeit, die bisher erst wenig im Fokus stand, befasst sich mit der Rolle des Antifaschismus, genauer, des in Teilen der damaligen westdeutschen Bevölkerung verbreiteten Antifaschismuskonsenses als ein wesentlicher Grundstein des Protestes der Zeit um 1968. Die Rote Armee Fraktion (RAF) war eine von mehreren linken militanten Gruppen in der BRD, die sich unmittelbar nach 1968, d.h. über 20 Jahre nach dem alliierten Sieg über den Faschismus in Deutschland, organisierten. Am Beispiel der RAF soll untersucht werden, wie sich der Antifaschismuskonsens konstituierte und wie dieser rezipiert wurde. Eine Untersuchung, die eine ähnliche ideengeschichtliche Fragestellung beinhaltet, aber wesentlich umfassender auf „Ideologien und Analysen des Terrorismus in der BRD“ angelegt war, stammt von einer Forschungsgruppe um Iring Fetscher, Günter Rohrmoser u.a. und fand im Auftrag der Ständigen Konferenz der Innenminister der Länder (IMK) um 1980 statt. Die folgenden Thesen sind zugleich Ausgangspunkt und Leitfaden meiner Arbeit: 1) Antifaschismus basiert auf der Ablehnung des Faschismus, unter dem auch der Nationalsozialismus rubriziert wird. Der Antifaschismuskonsens vereint die Ansicht innerhalb der westdeutschen Protestbewegung1, dass die Tradition des Faschismus nach 1945 in der BRD partiell fortbesteht und weiterhin in unterschiedlichen Formen kritisiert und bekämpft werden muss. Der Antifaschismus ist wie auch der Antiimperialismus und der Antiamerikanismus ein konstituierendes Element der Protestbewegung. 2) Der Konflikt zwischen Staat und Protestbewegung eskalierte nach 1967 und führte durch verschiedene Schlüsselereignisse und die verbreitete Auffassung von einer internationalen Guerillabewegung zur Gründung einzelner militanter Gruppen, darunter in der BRD die Tupamaros Westberlin bzw. München (1969), die RAF (1970) und die Bewegung 2. Juni (1972). Dabei ist der Antifaschismuskonsens auch für militante Gruppen wie die RAF ein konstituierendes Element wie anhand der produktiven Rezeption in Reden oder Texten deutlich wird. 3) Die antifaschistische Haltung konstituierte sich dabei nicht nur psychologisch oder biografisch, d.h. durch die individuelle Entwicklung und äußere Einflüsse, sondern auch textuell, d.h. über konkrete Texte, die innerhalb der Protestbewegung kanonisch bzw. allgemein anerkannt waren. Aus diesen Thesen resultieren Fragen, die ich im zweigegliederten Hauptteil der Arbeit erörtern werde. Allem voran steht im Teil I die Frage der zeitlichen und individuellen Perspektive. Dadurch soll, um einem wichtigen didaktischen Kriterium gerecht zu werden, der Bezug zum Prinzip der Multiperspektivität hergestellt werden. Es gilt, anhand von Beispielen eine konzise Grundlage für eine differenzierte und kritische Betrachtung der Primär- und Sekundärliteratur zu erarbeiten (→ Kap. I.1). Anschließend wird der Hauptbegriff meiner Arbeit, Antifaschismus, in seinen Facetten erörtert (→ Kap. I.2 / These 1). Danach versuche ich den Zusammenhang zwischen Antifaschismus und Entnazifizierung in der BRD zu klären und herauszuarbeiten, inwiefern von einem Kontinuum des Nationalsozialismus gesprochen werden kann (→ Kap. I.3 / These 1). Den ersten Teil abschließend soll die Relevanz des Antifaschismuskonsenses für die Konstituierung der Protestbewegung aufgezeigt werden (→ Kap. I.4 / These 1 u. 3). Im Teil II wird der Fokus auf eine bestimmte Gruppe gelenkt, die RAF. Der Teil beginnt mit einem Exkurs zur Herausbildungung der RAF im Kontext des eskalierenden Konfliktes zwischen dem Staat und der Protestbewegung (→ Kap. II.1 / These 2 u. 3). Daraufhin untersuche ich einzelne Texte der RAF auf die Frage nach den Belegen für eine produktive, d.h. aktive, Rezeption des Antifaschismuskonsenses (→ Kap. II.2 / These 2 u. 3). Dabei geht es schließlich darum, den Zusammenhang zwischen der antifaschistischen Haltung und einer entsprechenden textuellen Konstituierung aufzuzeigen, also um die Frage nach dem Wirken der passiven Rezeption neben beispielsweise psychologischen oder biografischen Einflüssen. Die zeitliche und räumliche Eingrenzung des Gegenstandes der Arbeit richtet sich nach dem inhaltlich gesteckten Rahmen, im Wesentlichen beginnend mit der Entnazifizierung nach 1945 und endend mit der Konstituierung der RAF um 1970. Dresden, Juni 2012

Die Kernfrage meiner Arbeit, die bisher erst wenig im Fokus stand, befasst sich mit der Rolle des Antifaschismus, genauer, des in Teilen der damaligen westdeutschen Bevölkerung verbreiteten Antifaschismuskonsenses als ein wesentlicher Grundstein des Protestes der Zeit um 1968. Die Rote Armee Fraktion (RAF) war eine von mehreren linken militanten Gruppen in der BRD, die sich unmittelbar nach 1968, d.h. über 20 Jahre nach dem alliierten Sieg über den Faschismus in Deutschland, organisierten. Am Beispiel der RAF soll untersucht werden, wie sich der Antifaschismuskonsens konstituierte und wie dieser rezipiert wurde. Eine Untersuchung, die eine ähnliche ideengeschichtliche Fragestellung beinhaltet, aber wesentlich umfassender auf „Ideologien und Analysen des Terrorismus in der BRD“ angelegt war, stammt von einer Forschungsgruppe um Iring Fetscher, Günter Rohrmoser u.a. und fand im Auftrag der Ständigen Konferenz der Innenminister der Länder (IMK) um 1980 statt. Die folgenden Thesen sind zugleich Ausgangspunkt und Leitfaden meiner Arbeit: 1) Antifaschismus basiert auf der Ablehnung des Faschismus, unter dem auch der Nationalsozialismus rubriziert wird. Der Antifaschismuskonsens vereint die Ansicht innerhalb der westdeutschen Protestbewegung1, dass die Tradition des Faschismus nach 1945 in der BRD partiell fortbesteht und weiterhin in unterschiedlichen Formen kritisiert und bekämpft werden muss. Der Antifaschismus ist wie auch der Antiimperialismus und der Antiamerikanismus ein konstituierendes Element der Protestbewegung. 2) Der Konflikt zwischen Staat und Protestbewegung eskalierte nach 1967 und führte durch verschiedene Schlüsselereignisse und die verbreitete Auffassung von einer internationalen Guerillabewegung zur Gründung einzelner militanter Gruppen, darunter in der BRD die Tupamaros Westberlin bzw. München (1969), die RAF (1970) und die Bewegung 2. Juni (1972). Dabei ist der Antifaschismuskonsens auch für militante Gruppen wie die RAF ein konstituierendes Element wie anhand der produktiven Rezeption in Reden oder Texten deutlich wird. 3) Die antifaschistische Haltung konstituierte sich dabei nicht nur psychologisch oder biografisch, d.h. durch die individuelle Entwicklung und äußere Einflüsse, sondern auch textuell, d.h. über konkrete Texte, die innerhalb der Protestbewegung kanonisch bzw. allgemein anerkannt waren. Aus diesen Thesen resultieren Fragen, die ich im zweigegliederten Hauptteil der Arbeit erörtern werde. Allem voran steht im Teil I die Frage der zeitlichen und individuellen Perspektive. Dadurch soll, um einem wichtigen didaktischen Kriterium gerecht zu werden, der Bezug zum Prinzip der Multiperspektivität hergestellt werden. Es gilt, anhand von Beispielen eine konzise Grundlage für eine differenzierte und kritische Betrachtung der Primär- und Sekundärliteratur zu erarbeiten (→ Kap. I.1). Anschließend wird der Hauptbegriff meiner Arbeit, Antifaschismus, in seinen Facetten erörtert (→ Kap. I.2 / These 1). Danach versuche ich den Zusammenhang zwischen Antifaschismus und Entnazifizierung in der BRD zu klären und herauszuarbeiten, inwiefern von einem Kontinuum des Nationalsozialismus gesprochen werden kann (→ Kap. I.3 / These 1). Den ersten Teil abschließend soll die Relevanz des Antifaschismuskonsenses für die Konstituierung der Protestbewegung aufgezeigt werden (→ Kap. I.4 / These 1 u. 3). Im Teil II wird der Fokus auf eine bestimmte Gruppe gelenkt, die RAF. Der Teil beginnt mit einem Exkurs zur Herausbildungung der RAF im Kontext des eskalierenden Konfliktes zwischen dem Staat und der Protestbewegung (→ Kap. II.1 / These 2 u. 3). Daraufhin untersuche ich einzelne Texte der RAF auf die Frage nach den Belegen für eine produktive, d.h. aktive, Rezeption des Antifaschismuskonsenses (→ Kap. II.2 / These 2 u. 3). Dabei geht es schließlich darum, den Zusammenhang zwischen der antifaschistischen Haltung und einer entsprechenden textuellen Konstituierung aufzuzeigen, also um die Frage nach dem Wirken der passiven Rezeption neben beispielsweise psychologischen oder biografischen Einflüssen. Die zeitliche und räumliche Eingrenzung des Gegenstandes der Arbeit richtet sich nach dem inhaltlich gesteckten Rahmen, im Wesentlichen beginnend mit der Entnazifizierung nach 1945 und endend mit der Konstituierung der RAF um 1970. Dresden, Juni 2012:Abkürzungsverzeichnis 2 Einführung 4 I. Antifaschismus als Konsens und Basis des Protestes – Eine Frage der Perspektive 9 I.1 Zur Frage der Perspektive 9 I.2 Zum Begriff des Antifaschismuskonsenses 14 I.3 Entnazifizierung und Kontinuum des Nationalsozialismus – Ein Paradoxon? 19 I.4 Konstituierung der Protestbewegung und Relevanz des Antifaschismuskonsenses: Die Folgen des „gescheiterten Experimentes“ 28 II. Eskalation des Konfliktes – Rezeption und Konstituierung des Antifaschismuskonsenses am Beispiel der RAF 38 II.1 Konstituierung der RAF im Kontext des eskalierenden Konfliktes 40 II.2 Produktive Rezeption des Antifaschismuskonsenses in Texten der RAF 50 Resümee 56 Verzeichnis der Quellen und Literatur 57 A) Quellen 57 B) Sekundärliteratur 61 C) Internet / Onlinemedien 71 Selbstständigkeitserklärung 72