The purpose of this study is to analyze how university students, who are not members of a political party, experiencing existing selective and collective incentives for involvement in a political party. Furthermore, the study will highlight incentives which could help the political parties to increase their membership. The study is based on seven interviews and the respondents were selected after conducting a survey of students’ political involvement. The interviews were analyzed through the theory of selective and collective incentives.  The study shows that the incentives, both selective and collective, for involvement in a political party in general are weak and that the costs in terms of time, money and education are seen as too high. The respondents have a range of suggestions to increase party involvement, including increased party information, better education, increased financial incentives and a more active membership recruitment. The respondents also highlight some collective incentives such as an increased ideological focus and a greater focus on the political party´s own politics. The collective incentives are harder to achieve though they might be most vital for increased involvement. A common feeling amongst the respondents is that they are inclined to become involved in politics if they feel a change is vital for society.

While there are numerous examples of research investigating who would protest and why, the research fields of social movements and political participation have not done enough to understand the motivations of women in protest. Nor are there enough studies of the mobilisation of women in anti-regime protest in a post-communist context. This thesis investigates what motivates women in non-democratic settings to participate in protest, despite the elevated costs and risks given the context. It examines Belarus, a protest movement where women have taken on a prevalent role in the protest movement of 2020. The research design is a within-case study using the method of in-depth interviews. I conduct interviews with ten Belarusian female protesters who are found primarily via a snowball sampling technique. The transcribed interviews are analysed using a framework of collective and selective incentives. The study finds that discontent with the government and belief in the movement’s success are significant motivations, while there is not belief that their own participation will enhance the likelihood of success. Results also show that respondents were motivated by the violence used against protesters, a newfound sense of community between Belarusians, solidarity with protesters, the peaceful repertoires in the movement and group belongingness with other women. Taken together, these results deepen our understanding of protests as motivations in themselves and of motivation as a resource, but foremost of why women protest. The results might incentivise more research to be made on women’s role in protest and motivations to join social movements.

Les Mesures agro-environnementales territorialisées (MAEt) ont été introduites en France pour la programmation 2007-2013 de la Politique Agricole Commune (PAC). La perspective de la réforme de la PAC offre l'opportunité de proposer des pistes d'amélioration de ces mesures. Cette thèse évalue dans une première partie ce dispositif MAEt avec une attention particulière portée aux enjeux de lutte contre les pollutions de l'eau d'origine agricole. Nous étudions dans le premier chapitre la décentralisation croissante du dispositif agro-environnemental, le ciblage et l'adaptation aux territoires à enjeux prioritaires. Cette analyse est illustrée par les résultats d'une enquête menée à l'échelle nationale auprès des agriculteurs éligibles et des agents responsables de la mise en œuvre des MAEt, avec deux focus sur l'Eure et Loir et le Languedoc-Roussillon. Ces analyses complémentaires nous permettent d'apporter des éléments d'explication au trop faible taux d'adoption des mesures de réduction d'intrants. Dans le deuxième chapitre nous estimons avec des méthodes économétriques d'évaluation des effets de traitement si ces mesures, basées sur une auto-sélection des participants, permettent effectivement de réduire l'utilisation d'herbicides par les viticulteurs engagés dans la région Languedoc-Roussillon. La seconde partie de la thèse propose deux dispositifs innovants qui pourraient améliorer l'acceptabilité des MAE par les agriculteurs. Nous étudions dans le chapitre 3 l'effet de l'introduction d'une dimension collective dans les contrats, par la méthode de modélisation des choix appliquée au cas des viticulteurs du Languedoc Roussillon. Cette dimension collective se concrétise par un ‘bonus' monétaire versé à chaque viticulteur engagé à condition qu'un objectif de surfaces engagées soit atteint collectivement. Pour finir, nous analysons dans le chapitre 4 la possibilité d'utiliser des appels à projets pour allouer les contrats agro-environnementaux, sur la base de l'expérience pilote menée par l'Agence de l'Eau Artois-Picardie. Ce mécanisme laisse aux agriculteurs la liberté d'adapter le cahier des charges et les montants des mesures en fonction de leur propre consentement à recevoir. / Territorialized agri-environmental measures (MAEt) were introduced in France for the 2007-2013 Common Agricultural Policy program. The forthcoming CAP reform is an opportunity to improve the design of existing agri-environmental schemes. The first part of this thesis assesses this scheme (MAEt), with special attention paid to water pollution issues. In the first chapter we analyse theadvantages and limits of the partial decentralization of decision-making in the setting-up of agrienvironmentalprojects and of improved targeting through the identification of eligible priority areas.This analysis is illustrated by the results of a national survey conducted with eligible farmers andagents in charge of the implementation of the scheme and by two case studies conducted in Eure etLoir and Languedoc-Roussillon. These surveys help us to identify the reasons for the too low adoptionrates of pesticides reduction measures by farmers. In the second chapter, we estimate the impact ofherbicide reduction measures adopted by winegrowers in the Languedoc-Roussillon region using atreatment effects approach. The second part of the thesis proposes two innovative designs aiming atincreasing the acceptability of agri-environmental measures by farmers. In chapter 3 we study theintroduction of a collective dimension in the contracts. This collective dimension relies on a monetary‘bonus’ paid to each farmer who has signed a contract, provided that the proportion of landcollectively enrolled in the agri-environmental scheme reaches a predefined threshold. We finallyanalyse in chapter 4 the possible use of reverse auctions for the allocation of agri-environmentalcontracts, on the basis of the pilot experiment implemented by the Water Agency in Artois-Picardie.This mechanism enables farmers to adapt the practices they commit to and the payment that they receive to their own willingness to accept.

<p>This dissertation addresses party-culture in political parties represented in the Swedish parliament. Party-culture is investigated by studying collective self-images and norms in Swedish parliamentary party-groups (PPG). The aim of this investigation is to contribute to understanding of the conditions under which parliamentary work is carried out. In order to expand our understanding of these conditions this dissertation looks beyond the formal processes by which party-groups deliver their political message and make decisions, and instead highlights the cultural aspects of these party organizations in the parliament.</p><p>The method of analysis is qualitative and the material for the study consists of 53 interviews with members of parliament from all represented parties. The parties studied are thus the Social Democratic, Moderate, Liberal, Christian Democrats, Left, Centre, and Green. In addition, some participant observation for the 1998-2002 mandate period in used. </p><p>The empirical investigation shows that party-culture is revealed via four basic themes: political ability, feelings of political responsibility, the importance social fellowship, and the party’s strength in relation to individual party members. </p><p>The party’s culture based on the four themes noted above provides a theoretical structure for interpretation that combines an Aristotelian idea about basic knowledge types, <i>sophia</i> and <i>phronesis</i>, with cultural theorists Mary Douglas’ grid-group-analysis. Based on this interpretation method it is shown that party-cultures distinguish themselves from each other in a way that diverges from the left-right spectrum that dominates Swedish politics. At the same time as the parties demonstrate differences in party-culture, there are also some similarities between the parties, and these similarities suggest that the parties have adjusted themselves to a more general culture within the parliament, most visibly the focus on factual knowledge and a certain requirement for modesty from party members.</p>

This dissertation addresses party-culture in political parties represented in the Swedish parliament. Party-culture is investigated by studying collective self-images and norms in Swedish parliamentary party-groups (PPG). The aim of this investigation is to contribute to understanding of the conditions under which parliamentary work is carried out. In order to expand our understanding of these conditions this dissertation looks beyond the formal processes by which party-groups deliver their political message and make decisions, and instead highlights the cultural aspects of these party organizations in the parliament. The method of analysis is qualitative and the material for the study consists of 53 interviews with members of parliament from all represented parties. The parties studied are thus the Social Democratic, Moderate, Liberal, Christian Democrats, Left, Centre, and Green. In addition, some participant observation for the 1998-2002 mandate period in used. The empirical investigation shows that party-culture is revealed via four basic themes: political ability, feelings of political responsibility, the importance social fellowship, and the party’s strength in relation to individual party members. The party’s culture based on the four themes noted above provides a theoretical structure for interpretation that combines an Aristotelian idea about basic knowledge types, sophia and phronesis, with cultural theorists Mary Douglas’ grid-group-analysis. Based on this interpretation method it is shown that party-cultures distinguish themselves from each other in a way that diverges from the left-right spectrum that dominates Swedish politics. At the same time as the parties demonstrate differences in party-culture, there are also some similarities between the parties, and these similarities suggest that the parties have adjusted themselves to a more general culture within the parliament, most visibly the focus on factual knowledge and a certain requirement for modesty from party members.