The goal of the thesis was to describe protests against ACTA (Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement) that took place in Czech Republic in the first half of year 2012. The research consists in analysis of individual protests. While writing this thesis I've focused on describing the role of civil sector organizations, what frames their organizers used and also what was the role of new medias in organizing and dispersing these protests.

The goal of the thesis was to describe protests against ACTA (Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement) that took place in Czech Republic in the first half of year 2012. The research consists in analysis of individual protests. While writing this thesis I've focused on describing the role of civil sector organizations, what frames their organizers used and also what was the role of new medias in organizing and dispersing these protests.

This non-traditional dissertation surfaces how youth activists and their adult accomplices build intergenerational solidarity and challenge age-based power dynamics in their social movement collectives. These questions are investigated from the perspective of 10 youth organizers involved in counterhegemonic organizing movements in the United States, as well as 10 of their chosen adult accomplices. Through semistructured interviews and participatory multimodal methods, youth and adult organizers demonstrate that their solidarity relationships are forged through establishing trust and safety and processes of demonstrating mutuality and reciprocity. Furthermore, youth and adults navigate and attend to adultism in their organizing by participating in processes of naming power dynamics, checking for consent, and co-creation. This research contributes to a bottom-up understanding of youth organizing praxis in relation to larger cultural discourses and adultist systems, while identifying practical implications for intergenerational support.

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When the National Party came into power in 1948, Apartheid began to influence all facets of South African life, also that of the theatre. This study documents Apartheid legislation and the resistance against it, then turns to a consideration of the most important protest dramas. The complex political background is utilized to identify and discuss three distinct lines of development, represented by the Afrikaans, English and Black theatre traditions. The Afrikaans-speaking white playwright was initially part of the Afrikaner's encompassing struggle for self-determination and self-assertion, where language, religion and nationalism played a dominant role. After the realization of the Afrikaner Nationalist ideals the Afrikaans writer gradually developed from mythbuilder to iconoclast: from "national hero" to "traitor". The resulting Afrikaans political protest theatre was aimed mainly at fellow Afrikaners and thus usually took on the guise of a drama of conscience, critically examining the Afrikaner psyche. Such plays did not advocate the subversion of the political system, but rather the humanization thereof. It comes from within the system: an examination of the Afrikaner, his ideas about religion, his ties to the land, his racial fear and prejudice, and his obsession with racial purity. The English speaking white playwright was initially represented as the liberal outsider with a humanitarian concern for the injustices wrought by racial discrimination, but at the same time sharing a sense of complicity in the situation and deeply rooted in the country. This complicity evolved into a full acceptance of responsibility by means of their involvement with black theatre groups, the establishment and management of non-racial theatres and companies, guidance to workshops and community projects, as well as the creation and writing of new plays. The criticism expressed predominantly derives from "white" perspectives on the South African reality (which tend to fix on the colour issue). The exceptions here are Athol Fugard' s workshop productions, which incorporate the "black experience" as well. The Black protest theatre (in its recognizable, Western form) developed late. Exposing the misery of the black citizen's daily existence under Apartheid, these works advocated the violent overthrow of the "regime" as the only permanent solution. Measured against Western standards the plays had a number of flaws: lack of structure, undisciplined acting and production, repetitive themes, cliches, as well as a tendency to over-simplify the political problem. The form incorporates aspects of traditional practices such as story-telling, song, dance, multi-role acting and ceremonial actions, but the content is determined by the urban, industrialized experience. Although there are more similarities between the development of the Black and Afrikaans political protest theatre, co-operation tended to develop largely between the Black and English theatre. In the decade after Soweto 1976 political protest dominated the South African theatre. While this movement did not actually succeed in subverting the "regime" or even in generating full-scale insurgence against the state, it did have an effect. Among the economically advantaged and elite white theatregoers, the "black" theatre fostered an awareness of daily life in the black community, and the "white" theatre a questioning of the morality of the social, religious and political order. The same plays provided the broad mass of black audiences with a heightened awareness of their own identity and self-esteem within the communal escape valve of public protest. By granting this form of theatre a prominent place in the ongoing public debate, the daily newspapers markedly increased the theatre's influence and impact. / Afrikaans: Met die bewindsoorname van die Nasionale Party in 1948 begin Apartheid 'n invloed op alle vlakke van die Suid-Afrikaanse bestaan uitoefen, ook op die teater. In hierdie studie word die Apartheidswetgewing en die verset daarteen uiteengesit, waarna die belangrikste protesdramas van die Afrikaanse, Engelse en Swart teater afsonderlik as drie ontwikkelingstrome teen hierdie komplekse politieke agtergrond beskryf word. Die Afrikaanssprekende blanke dramaturg skryf aanvanklik vanuit die totale Afrikanerstryd tot selfvestiging en -bevestiging, waarin taal, godsdiens en nasionalisme sentraal staan. Na die verwesenliking van die AfrikanerNasionalistiese ideale begin die Afrikaanse skrywer geleidelik ontwikkel van mitefiseerder tot ikonoklaster: van "volksheld" tot "volksverraaier". Die Afrikaanse politieke protesdrama is veral teen die mede-Afrikaner gemik, en word daarom meestal gewetensdrama wat die Afrikanerpsige krities ondersoek. Dit bepleit nie die omverwerping van die bestel nie, eerder die mensliker-maak daarvan. Dit kom van binne die sisteem: 'n ondersoek na die Afrikaner, sy godsdiensbegrip, gebondenheid aan die grond, rasse-vrees en -vooroordeel en sy obsessie met rasse-suiwerheid. Die Engelssprekende blanke dramaturg het aanvanklik die indruk gewek van die liberate buitestaander wat humaniter-besorg die onreg van rasse-diskriminasie aandui, maar terselfdertyd ook 'n mede-aandadigheid aan die situasie en 'n geworteldheid in die land ervaar. Hierdie aandadigheid ontwikkel tot 'n volle aanspreeklikheid in die samewerking met swart teatergroepe, die oprig en bestuur van nie-rassige teaters en geselskappe, optrede _ as leiers van werkwinkels en gemeenskapsprojekte en die skep en skryf van dramas. Die kritiek kom oorwegend vanuit die "blanke" realiteitbeskouing (wat wesenlik kleurbehep is) met die uitsondering van Athol Fugard se werkwinkelprojekte waarin die "swart ervaring" uitgebeeld word. Die Swart protesteater (in sy herkenbare, Westerse vorm) het 'n laat ontwikkeling gehad. Dit openbaar die ellende van die alledaagse bestaan van die swartman onder Apartheid en bepleit die gewelddadige omverwerping van die "regime" as enigste blywende oplossing. Gemeet aan Westerse standaarde het dit heelwat gebreke gehad: struktuurloosheid, ongedissiplineerde spel en aanbieding, herhalende temas, cliches, asook oorvereenvoudiging van die problematiek. Die vorm daarvan sluit nou aan by tradisionele gebruike soos vertelling, sang, dans, multi-rolspel en seremoniele handeling. Die inhoud word egter bepaal deur die stedelike, geindustrialiseerde ervaring. Alhoewel daar meer raakpunte tussen die ontwikkeling van die Afrikaanse en Swart politieke protesteater is, het samewerking veral tussen Swart en Engels plaasgevind, en nie tussen Afrikaans en Swart nie. In die dekade na Soweto 1976 was daar 'n ontploffing van politieke protesteater. Dit het nie die omverwerping van die "regime~_ of 'n grootskaalse opstand teen die staatsgesag veroorsaak nie. Wat wel bereik is, is dat daar deur die "swart" teater by 'n groep blanke toeskouers, uit die hoer klasse van die samelewing, 'n bewussyn gekweek is van die daaglikse lewensomstandighede van die anderskleurige Suid-Afrikaner; deur die "wit" teater 'n bevraagtekening van die moraliteit van die sosiale, godsdienstige en politieke orde; en by die swart gehore 'n verhoogde bewussyn van die eie identiteit en waarde binne die saambindende uitlaatklep van openbare protes. Terselfdertyd het die dagblaaie deur hulle omvangryke verslaggewing hierdie vorm van teater in die openbare debat geplaas en daardeur die trefkrag en invloed verhoog. / Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 1994. / Drama / DPhil / Unrestricted

Magister Artium - MA / Scholarship on theatre in South Africa has shown how under the Apartheid government theatrical practices were divided into different genres such as protest theatre, township theatre, black theatre, mainstream theatre etc. In many ways theatre today presents the same fractures and polarisations: community and mainstream theatre. This study investigates ways in which black theatre artists from marginalised and disadvantaged communities with and without formal training negotiate themselves within theatre spaces in Cape Town. Discussing and analyzing the works and the trajectories of two case-studies: the Ukwanda Puppet and Design Company and the Back Stage Theatre Production Company, I attempt to demonstrate how works of arts that awkwardly sits with labels such as “community” or “mainstream” theatre are emerging more and more in the Cape Town theatre scene.

On November 17, 1980, twenty Mormon women and one man were arrested on criminal trespassing charges after chaining themselves to the Bellevue, Washington LDS Temple gate. The news media extensively covered the event due to the shocking photos of middle-aged housewives, covered in large chains, holding protest signs and being escorted to police cars. These women were part of the group Mormons for the Equal Rights Amendment (MERA) and were protesting the LDS Church’s opposition to the ERA. The LDS Church actively opposed the ERA and played an important role in influencing the vote in key states leading to its eventual failure. However, ERA literature generally ignores the LDS Church and their influence, instead attributing the ERA’s failure to lack of appeal to lower class and minority women, the ratification process, and confusing messaging about the amendment. Literature that does discuss the LDS Church and its opposition to the ERA fails to tell the story of the small, but bold and attention grabbing group of Mormon women who organized a campaign in direct opposition to the position of their church. This thesis begins with an evaluation of MERA’s use of sacred space in protest, and their portrayal in the media. It then explores how MERA re-appropriated LDS hymns, rituals and language to assert their power and express discontent with the church’s position on ERA, and concludes with an evaluation of the institutional and social consequences MERA members faced as a result of their activism.

Extending research of framing anti-war protest is framed in the public sphere, this study examines theatre critics' reviews and viewers' responses to Tim Robbins' anti-war play Embedded. My research examines how two groups of publics interpreted Embedded: (1) professional theatre reviewers and (2) a sample of Utah State University students. It is important to note that the majority of the students who participated in this study are members of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Mormon), a consistently social and political conservative religious sect. Thus, how this specific group of viewers deciphered Embedded is of special interest. Critical analyses of both reviews and responses revealed the prominence of two seemingly irreconcilable partisan master frames in critics' and spectators' interpretations of the play's protest narratives. Although these frames seem to be incompatible, adherents to both "whining for peace" and "anti-war protest" consider protection of American democracy the primary goal. However, members of both groups define the role of anti-war protest in, and defense of, democracy differently. Examination of discourse suggests that marginalization of anti-war protest continues to be the privileged discourse. Overwhelming dismissal of Embedded's anti-war narratives by the majority of critics and Latter-day Saint (LDS) viewers indicates that dissent was framed according to cultural and societal values, which perpetuated conceptions of anti-war protest as deviant. Thus, in both public discussion and personal interpretation of Embedded's outward expression of protest, anti-war activism is perceived to be illegitimate when the United States is at war. Results suggest that most theatre critics and LDS viewers relied on values framing in their perception of the play, which negated complex and nuanced discussion regarding military action in Iraq. By broadening discussion of how anti-war dissent is framed by including theatre critics and individual viewers, this research provides insight into how dissenting action is perceived within a larger cultural context. As findings reveal, it is reasonable to conclude that marginalization of anti-war dissent is not limited to mass media. Rather, I argue that dismissal of protest may be perpetuated on a wider societal scale, a problematic trend, especially as protest is widely considered to be a valuable tenet of democratic practice.

This dissertation explores the experience of participating in collective protest. I performed an existential-phenomenological analysis of five participants’ in-depth accounts of their involvements participating in collective protest. I considered my interviewees’ discourse to be reflective of their lived, embodied experiences of being in protest with others. Participants each described distinct protesting experiences. I explored their accounts in relation to six basic aspects of existence: self, other, embodiment, time, space, and choice/freedom. From within these existential realms, participants’ accounts revealed five key existential themes of participating in collective protest: (1) Existential Crises and Activation; (2) Existential Magnification; (3) Existential Horizons; (4) Existential Stakes; and (5) Existential Time-Space. These themes emerged from the ways my participants discussed their experiences in contingent and concrete interrelationships with the six basic states of existence. I considered phenomenological similarities and departures across participants’ descriptions and uncovered 30 distinct modes, or manners in which they experienced their participation in embodied collective protest. My insights suggest that collective protests frequently emerge during periods of heightened cultural disorder. During such anxious times, many participants seek the company of others in collective protest to have their voices heard and to be with people who are similarly concerned. Participants discussed the importance of preserving and exercising their First Amendment rights to publicly communicate dissent in this way. My interviewees also described understandings that protesting is a potentially dangerous activity, but that the risks are assumed collectively. While protesting can be unsafe, this collective action pertains to individuals banding together to make an ethical statement addressing the sense that something bad is on the horizon. While in protest together, people often meet like-minded others, and sometimes these connections bond members in enduring activist communities. At the heart of participating in collective protest are individuals who make a personal choice to adventure out in public to demonstrate in communicative interaction with fellow citizens.

Music has been an undeniable propelling force in social movements throughout history, including in those that occur in the United States. Based on historical analysis and discourse analysis, I explored music used in past U.S. social movements, with a focus on the abolitionist movement, the Civil Rights Movement, the anti-war/pro-labor movement, and the four waves of feminism. I used these movements’ music and their reception/discourse to contextualize music’s role in more modern movements, such as in the #MeToo movement. Music can reflect the cultural context of the era in which it was written and released, thus making it an essential piece of understanding history as it happens. Music can reflect politics, social movements, power dynamics, and the feeling of an era.The music created and shared throughout the #MeToo movement highlights the range of emotions that come with any healing journey: rage, despair, turmoil, hope, and peace. When artists and musicians share their own stories of sexual assault with the public, other survivors were empowered to come forward and share their journey – a sense of community begins to develop among people who are survivors of sexual assault. Aided by social media and the digital age, music in #MeToo was shared on a global scale at a faster rate than ever before. This virality helped popularize the #MeToo movement almost overnight. #MeToo’s legacy and music remain timeless and forever relevant, and this thesis intends to capture the role that music played in this historical moment. / Media Studies & Production