Since 1999, migrants and refugees from across the Middle East and Northeastern Africa have squatted in makeshift camps in and around the strategic port city of Calais, France, hoping for the opportunity to stow away on a ferry or lorry to England. The inhabitants of these camps seek to engage the world in a dialogue, and although they speak a variety of languages, the voices the refugees and migrants in The Jungle of Calais raise through their protest placards and graffiti are more homogeneous. Like in many other protests, the languages of these messages are universal; they are French and English, the languages of their location, their desired destination, and of the world that they hope is watching. The data for this study are from still images freely available through Getty Images Embed Service. Using the techniques of linguistic landscapes, this paper analyzes the linguistic material of The Jungle. Like other recent works on the linguistic landscapes of protest, this analysis challenges the idea that territory is a fixed place or space (Kasanga, 2014), asserting rather that the migrants/refugees are co-creating a collective space that exists more through their raised voices, and less in the physical space they temporarily inhabit.

The European migrant crisis showed how fragile the external borders of Europe were. In December 2015 the European Commission put forward a proposal to reinforce the current border agency, Frontex, to become the European Border and Coast Guard Agency to manage EUs external borders. The proposal included a stronger mandate for the agency toward member states and showed more integration toward an issue that has been historically sensitive, since border management is close to state sovereignty. This theory consuming study aim to give further explanation through liberal intergovernmentalism in how the member states were a big part in shaping the outcome of this chosen policy. The study is focusing on state actors as France, Germany, Italy, Greece, Hungary and Poland in how their preferences shaped the intergovernmental negotiations and give explanations if the border agency became more independent in its functions and toward member states.

The aim of this study was to identify the possible changes in the public discourse in Western Europe on multiculturalism, integration and assimilation after the European migrant crisis started in 2015. This study has been conducted by combining corpus linguistics and critical discourse analysis to analyze newspaper articles of newspapers in the Netherlands, Germany and Sweden in 2010, 2015 and 2019. The results show that there is indeed a shift visible from an integration approach towards an assimilation approach. This shift is however not visible in the words being used, but rather in the approach that the word integration is being used to refer to.

This thesis is a comprehensive interpretation of European political history in the periodization from 2008 to 2016. The history begins with an exploration of the intellectual and political origins of the post-World War II project of European integration and the development of, and opposition to, the early institutions that eventually formed the contemporary assemblage of the European Union. Following a traditionally structured history, this work is styled as a ‘history of the present’ that specifies the role of the European Union in precipitating and attempting to overcome the financial and monetary crises, foreign policy quandaries on its Eastern periphery, an unmanageable escalation in migration rates, and the materialization of Eurosceptic, populist, and anti-establishment political actors at European and national levels. The specific arrangement of this thesis intends to fulfill its ultimate purpose of identifying the dynamic circumstances that aided the outcome of the United Kingdom referendum to leave the European Union.

The refugee crisis during 2015 developed into a highly debated topic. Morning sofas on television, afternoon broadcasts on radio, evening newspapers' leaflets - the news focus was crystal clear. All written reports at that time included diverse topics, including the size of the refugee migration, the long-term economic effects of the refugee crisis, the politicians' proposals, the negotiations in the EU and the tragic accidents in the Mediterranean. The "migration crisis" became a recurring concept and various news media generated their own works where they clearly gave an overview of how people went through a plethora of nasty and violent events to avoid an inevitable fate in their native countries. Majority of the people who fled in 2015 made their way to Europe across the Mediterranean, often in overcrowded boats capsizing on the high seas. Soon thereafter, the Balkan Peninsula, became the alternative route to EU, reason being the life-threatening challenges which the aforementioned route included.  Therefore, this essay will look beyond the scope of SVT, TV4, DN, Expressen, Aftonbladet and various Swedish media. The primary focus will be on Kosovo media and its reporting. Greater insight of the methods used by a country who lacks economic growth compared to Sweden, during the biggest challenges of our time, will be the focal point. This study may also be relevant from a societal perspective, as Kosovo, together with other Balkan countries, became important partners for the EU in dealing with the refugee crisis in 2015. / Flyktingkrisen 2015 blev ett debatterad ämne under året 2015. Morgonsoffor på tv, eftermiddagssändningar i radio, kvällstidningarnas löpsedlar – nyhetsfokuset var alltså tydligt. Det rapporterades om flyktingvandringens storlek, de långvariga ekonomiska effekterna av flyktingkrisen, politikernas utspel, förhandlingarna i EU och de tragiska olyckorna i medelhavet. ”Migrationkrisen” blev ett upprepande begrepp och olika nyhetsmedier genererade egna verk där de tydligt gav en överblick på hur människor genomgick en uppsjö av otäcka samt våldsamma händelser i strävan mot att undvika ett ofrånkomligt öde i deras hemländer.
Merparten av de människor som var på flykt under 2015, tog sig till Europa över Medelhavet, i många fall i överfulla båtar som kapsejsade på öppet hav. När Medelhavet visade sig vara en komplicerad och livsfarlig flyktväg valde fler människor att försöka ta sig till EU via Balkanhalvön. Därav kommer den här uppsatsen att se bortom SVT, TV4, DN, Expressen, Aftonbladet och diverse svenska medier. Det primära fokuset kommer riktas till kosovanska medier samt dess rapportering. Detta för att få ett större inblick på hur en av vår tids största utmaningar hanteras av ett land som inte har lika bra ekonomiska förutsättningar i kontrast till Sverige. Även ur ett samhälleligt perspektiv kan denna undersökning vara relevant, då Kosovo tillsammans med andra Balkanländer blev viktiga partners för EU i hanteringen av flyktingkrisen under 2015.

This master's thesis deals with a depiction of a European migrant crisis in an agenda of Eurosceptic parties. The main goal of this thesis is to analyse the content of press releases and political programmes of selected Eurosceptic parties and, based on this, to examine their attitudes to the migrant crisis and possible connections with a degree of their Euroscepticism. There are four parties in this research selected according to the degree of Euroscepticism and the net immigration rate of their countries resulting in a research sample of two soft and two hard Eurosceptic parties from four different countries - two with high and two with low net immigration rate. A time frame of research is set from January 2015 to September 2016, which covers a main period of immigration waves. The research proved that there are some common characteristics among Eurosceptic parties and their attitudes to the migration, but more important factor is a main ideology of given party beyond its Euroscepticism. We could observe a wide spectrum of opinions from manifestations of solidarity and efforts to constructively resolve the crisis, through simple criticism towards the European union up to anti-migration rhetoric with elements of a xenophobia. After an evaluation of all factors we could say that hard Eurosceptic...