This dissertation presents a historical study of intersections between music and activism in Poland from the election of Cardinal Karol Wojtyła as Pope John Paul II in 1978 to Poland’s first democratic elections in 1989. Musical action in three cultural spheres shapes the project: (1) the political activism of musicians, (2) activists who turn to music as a political instrument, and (3) the musical ambitions of the communist authorities, the Polish United Workers’ Party. I critique the repercussions of politics in music as well as music’s significance for policy makers and dissidents, and I assume that neither course of influence is intrinsic or inevitable under state socialism. In doing so, I highlight the complex relationship between activist culture and music at the end of the Cold War. Throughout the decade, religious hymns, patriotic anthems, experimental music, and popular songs shared spaces in Polish society, projected analogous ambitions, reflected communal responses, and partook in debates about culture’s capacity to effect political action. The plurality of musical genres and music histories during the Cold War reflects the political tensions in the Polish opposition to state socialism. The diverse materials I investigate in this dissertation respond both to the tumultuous politics of the 1980s and to the ethnographic, historical, and analytical methods I employ to write music history. My thesis—that political activism offered politicians, activists, and musicians the opportunity for constructive creative action—provides a model for rethinking Cold War music history. I begin with an explanation of the Communist Party’s program for music and the practical means by which it carried out this vision through the decade. Two chapters examine specific historical moments: I critique the ways in which music has come to be associated with the August 1980 strikes that brought about the formation of Solidarity, the first independent trade union in the Eastern bloc, and map the sites of music making in the weeks after martial law’s imposition in December 1981. I explore the resonance of popular sacred hymns and plainchant for musicologists, composers, and members of the opposition through the final decade of the Cold War. The dissertation concludes by analyzing the unofficial musical discourse on independence, drawing out the concept’s resonance for artists invested in their own musical autonomy. / Music

Orientadores: Luiz Carlos da Silva Dantas, Alexandre Soares Carneiro / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-11T03:01:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Galdino_RobertoCarlos_M.pdf: 566706 bytes, checksum: ffa65cd4536e53831ec5f0e219a3f819 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: Nosso estudo debruça-se por sobre as canções de Torquato Neto, anteriores a sua participação no Tropicalismo, que tem um perfil semelhante à canção engajada, de protesto, de meados da década de 1960, e durante seu envolvimento com o movimento, tomando-as como uma entrada para o questionamento dos discursos críticos estabelecidos sobre a sua poética. Procuramos estabelecer um diálogo entre a nossa escuta das canções e as leituras críticas que as tomam isoladamente, como texto poético apenas. De modo a questionar os dois pólos extremos em que é confinada sua poética: Ou o poeta é visto enquanto um artista de vanguarda continuador de uma certa tradição do novo, de inventividade e rigor construtivo; ou como romântico libertário radical, que por coerência com seu projeto poético-existencial, renuncia a vida / Abstract: Our study bends over Torquato Neto¿s songs, prior to his participation at the Tropicalism, which has a similar profile of the activist song, of protest, in the middle of the 1960s, and during his involvement with the movement, turning them into a beginning of questioning the established critical discourses about his poetry. We try to establish a dialogue between our listening to the songs and the critical readings which consider them separately, as a poetic text only. So that we can question the two opposite extremes in which his poetry is confined to: either the poet is seen as an avant-garde artist who continues a certain tradition again, of ingenuity and constructive rigidity, or as a romantic radical libertarian who, in accordance with his political-existential project, abandons his life / Mestrado / Literatura Brasileira / Mestre em Teoria e História Literária

Depuis les débuts des études sur la chanson, plusieurs chercheurs ont pu déterminer que l’âge d’or de la chanson québécoise comprenait la production chansonnière des années soixante et soixante-dix. C’est en filiation avec cette époque culturellement engagée et collective que la chanson du tournant du millénaire s’établit. En effet, après le creux musical des années quatre-vingt au Québec, un groupe reprit le collier de la chanson engagée au début des années quatre-vingt-dix. En défendant les marginalisés de la société et en se faisant le porte-parole de ceux-ci, les Colocs ont contribué à l’acceptation sociale des chômeurs, des sans-abris, des sidéens, des dépressifs, et autres laissés pour compte de la société. En s’attaquant à des problématiques socio-politiques graves, le groupe permet de les voir sous un autre angle et de créer une mise en perspective chez les victimes. Par l’utilisation de procédés ironiques, les Colocs parvinrent à installer une distance entre les problèmes et leurs victimes. En majorité auto-ironiques, les chansons du groupe révèlent en plus une ironie de situation, aussi appelée ironie du sort. En parallèle aux Colocs, d’autres artistes des années quatre-vingt-dix et deux mille offrent des chansons engagées au caractère ironique, et permettent une comparaison fructueuse. Dans l’optique de dédramatiser des situations potentiellement catastrophiques et d’élaborer une forme de critique sociale engagée, les Colocs ont créé une production chansonnière où l’ironie primait. / Since the early studies on songwriting, several researchers have determined that the golden age of Quebec songwriting included productions of the sixties and seventies. It’s in affiliation with the collective spirit of those years that the new protest song of the millennium settled. Indeed, after the hollow musical eighties in Quebec, a band took the lead of the protest song in the early nineties. By defending the marginalized people of society and making themselves their spokesmen, Les Colocs have contributed to the "empowerment" of the unemployed, the homeless, AIDS victims, the depressive and other left out of society. Addressing socio-political issues, the group let us see them from another angle and create a new perspective for the victims. Through the use of ironic processes, Les Colocs managed to install a distance between problems and their victims. Mostly self-ironic, their songs also reveal an irony of situation, also called irony of fate. In parallel to Les Colocs, other artists of the nineties and the early years of the new millenium offer songs with an incurred ironic character, and allow a meaningful comparison. In order to defuse potentially catastrophic situations and develop a form of social critique, Les Colocs have created a production where songwriter’s irony prevailed.

O objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar como, ao longo das décadas de 1960 e 70, artistas ligados à canção engajada conceberam projetos de integração da América Latina por meio da canção, e como esses projetos resultaram no estabelecimento de uma série de conexões transnacionais. Neste período, os impactos da Guerra Fria tiveram como consequência um contexto político fortemente polarizado, o que afetou diretamente o campo cultural e, especialmente, o campo artístico. As experiências políticas comuns favoreceram as trocas de ideias e a intensa circulação de artistas por todo o continente, permitindo o estabelecimento de uma série de contatos e diálogos. Utilizando como fonte principal a discografia dos mais destacados artistas de cada país, o objetivo á analisar essa história de conexões transnacionais na canção engajada latino-americana focalizando três fases distintas: a) a primeira, entre 1963 e 1966, momento de formação e consolidação dos movimentos de nueva canción no Cone Sul, em que o engajamento se manifestou fundamentalmente por meio da crítica social; b) a segunda, entre 1967 e 1969, marcada pelos impactos do I Encuentro de la Canción Protesta, realizado em Cuba, que resultou no destaque de dois temas importantes: a revolução e o anti-imperialismo; c) a terceira, que compreende a década de 1970, período marcado pela radicalização dos discursos políticos, pela intensificação das conexões e também pelas tentativas de inserção dos artistas brasileiros nos circuitos da canção engajada latino-americana. / The objective of this research is to analyze the Latin America integration project conceived by the artists involved with the protest song in the 1960s and 1970s. In this period, the impact of Cold War resulted in a polarized debate that affected the cultural field, and especially the artistic field. The common political experiences favored the exchange of ideas and the intense movement of artists across the continent. Using the most prominent artists discography as source, the purpose is to analyze three moments of the history of \"transnational connections\" in the protest song in Latin American: a) the first, between 1963 and 1966, time of development and consolidation of nueva canción movement in the Southern Cone, when the engagement was manifested fundamentally by social criticism; b) the second, between 1967 and 1969, marked by the impact of the I Encuentro de la Canción Protesta held in Cuba, that highlighted two important themes: revolution and anti-imperialism; c) the third, which comprises the 1970s, a period marked by the radicalization of political discourse and by the intensification of connections. Especially in this third phase, I analyze the Brazilian artists efforts to integrate the circuits of Latin American protest song.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:47:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Danilo Sergio Socorre.pdf: 1109484 bytes, checksum: 8b5fac3c6375180970eb16207e1d3cb0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-19 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / During this study we focused our research on dialogues between the Protest Song of 1960s and 1970s, especially those occurred in certain works created by Gilberto Gil, Caetano Veloso and Chico Buarque de Holanda and a few songs produced by politicized and protest rock launched by bands from Brasilia such as Capital Inicial, Plebe Rude and Legião Urbana in the 1980s, contextualizing this cultural production within an important period in the recent history of Brazil. Through the theory developed by Bakhtin, we were confronted with dialogues between speakers and speeches, which allowed us to produce analysis of the characteristics and content of the dialogues between the "Old" Protest and the "New" Protest. The investigation allowed us to point out some similarities between the songs analyzed, and also enabled us to interpret them as articulating elements of the period in which they arose, which is evident in the performance of songs from both periods as a political tool of contestation. / No decorrer deste estudo, procuramos focar nossa investigação sobre os diálogos estabelecidos entre a Canção de Protesto dos anos 1960 e 1970, em especial, os ocorridos em determinadas obras criadas por Gilberto Gil, Caetano Veloso e Chico Buarque de Holanda e algumas canções produzidas pelo rock politizado e de protesto lançado pelas bandas de Brasília: Capital Inicial, Plebe Rude e Legião Urbana, nos anos 1980. Assim, pudemos contextualizar a produção cultural, dentro desse período importante da história recente do Brasil. Através da teoria desenvolvida por Bakhtin, foram confrontados os diálogos entre interlocutores e discursos, o que nos permitiu produzir análises acerca das características e conteúdos dos diálogos travados entre o Velho Protesto e o Novo Protesto. A pesquisa admitiu apontar algumas convergências entre as canções analisadas, bem como, também, possibilitou-nos interpretá-las como elementos articuladores do período em que surgiram que, por conseguinte, evidencia-nos a atuação das canções de ambos os períodos como instrumento político de contestação.

Depuis les débuts des études sur la chanson, plusieurs chercheurs ont pu déterminer que l’âge d’or de la chanson québécoise comprenait la production chansonnière des années soixante et soixante-dix. C’est en filiation avec cette époque culturellement engagée et collective que la chanson du tournant du millénaire s’établit. En effet, après le creux musical des années quatre-vingt au Québec, un groupe reprit le collier de la chanson engagée au début des années quatre-vingt-dix. En défendant les marginalisés de la société et en se faisant le porte-parole de ceux-ci, les Colocs ont contribué à l’acceptation sociale des chômeurs, des sans-abris, des sidéens, des dépressifs, et autres laissés pour compte de la société. En s’attaquant à des problématiques socio-politiques graves, le groupe permet de les voir sous un autre angle et de créer une mise en perspective chez les victimes. Par l’utilisation de procédés ironiques, les Colocs parvinrent à installer une distance entre les problèmes et leurs victimes. En majorité auto-ironiques, les chansons du groupe révèlent en plus une ironie de situation, aussi appelée ironie du sort. En parallèle aux Colocs, d’autres artistes des années quatre-vingt-dix et deux mille offrent des chansons engagées au caractère ironique, et permettent une comparaison fructueuse. Dans l’optique de dédramatiser des situations potentiellement catastrophiques et d’élaborer une forme de critique sociale engagée, les Colocs ont créé une production chansonnière où l’ironie primait. / Since the early studies on songwriting, several researchers have determined that the golden age of Quebec songwriting included productions of the sixties and seventies. It’s in affiliation with the collective spirit of those years that the new protest song of the millennium settled. Indeed, after the hollow musical eighties in Quebec, a band took the lead of the protest song in the early nineties. By defending the marginalized people of society and making themselves their spokesmen, Les Colocs have contributed to the "empowerment" of the unemployed, the homeless, AIDS victims, the depressive and other left out of society. Addressing socio-political issues, the group let us see them from another angle and create a new perspective for the victims. Through the use of ironic processes, Les Colocs managed to install a distance between problems and their victims. Mostly self-ironic, their songs also reveal an irony of situation, also called irony of fate. In parallel to Les Colocs, other artists of the nineties and the early years of the new millenium offer songs with an incurred ironic character, and allow a meaningful comparison. In order to defuse potentially catastrophic situations and develop a form of social critique, Les Colocs have created a production where songwriter’s irony prevailed.

O objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar como, ao longo das décadas de 1960 e 70, artistas ligados à canção engajada conceberam projetos de integração da América Latina por meio da canção, e como esses projetos resultaram no estabelecimento de uma série de conexões transnacionais. Neste período, os impactos da Guerra Fria tiveram como consequência um contexto político fortemente polarizado, o que afetou diretamente o campo cultural e, especialmente, o campo artístico. As experiências políticas comuns favoreceram as trocas de ideias e a intensa circulação de artistas por todo o continente, permitindo o estabelecimento de uma série de contatos e diálogos. Utilizando como fonte principal a discografia dos mais destacados artistas de cada país, o objetivo á analisar essa história de conexões transnacionais na canção engajada latino-americana focalizando três fases distintas: a) a primeira, entre 1963 e 1966, momento de formação e consolidação dos movimentos de nueva canción no Cone Sul, em que o engajamento se manifestou fundamentalmente por meio da crítica social; b) a segunda, entre 1967 e 1969, marcada pelos impactos do I Encuentro de la Canción Protesta, realizado em Cuba, que resultou no destaque de dois temas importantes: a revolução e o anti-imperialismo; c) a terceira, que compreende a década de 1970, período marcado pela radicalização dos discursos políticos, pela intensificação das conexões e também pelas tentativas de inserção dos artistas brasileiros nos circuitos da canção engajada latino-americana. / The objective of this research is to analyze the Latin America integration project conceived by the artists involved with the protest song in the 1960s and 1970s. In this period, the impact of Cold War resulted in a polarized debate that affected the cultural field, and especially the artistic field. The common political experiences favored the exchange of ideas and the intense movement of artists across the continent. Using the most prominent artists discography as source, the purpose is to analyze three moments of the history of \"transnational connections\" in the protest song in Latin American: a) the first, between 1963 and 1966, time of development and consolidation of nueva canción movement in the Southern Cone, when the engagement was manifested fundamentally by social criticism; b) the second, between 1967 and 1969, marked by the impact of the I Encuentro de la Canción Protesta held in Cuba, that highlighted two important themes: revolution and anti-imperialism; c) the third, which comprises the 1970s, a period marked by the radicalization of political discourse and by the intensification of connections. Especially in this third phase, I analyze the Brazilian artists efforts to integrate the circuits of Latin American protest song.

Essa pesquisa tem como objetivo central mostrar que os projetos de integração latino-americana por meio da canção, construídos ao longo da década de 1960 e dos anos iniciais da década de 1970, não foram destruídos pelas ditaduras militares que se instalaram nesse período na América Latina. Ainda que os novos regimes tenham tido como objetivo claro aniquilar toda e qualquer experiência de arte política, tentando desarticular as redes de arte engajada que haviam se formado nos períodos pré-golpes, os artistas acabaram encontrando estratégias de sobrevivência diante do novo contexto. Aqueles que ficaram em seus países seguiram militando na clandestinidade. Mas o destino de grande parte dos músicos engajados latino-americanos na década de 1970 foi o exílio. A instalação desses grupos nos países de acolhida dependeu em grande medida da articulação de redes de solidariedade, que pretendiam dar suporte aos exilados e também organizar ações de resistência e denúncia da violência das ditaduras. Esses movimentos de solidariedade encontraram na produção de discos um caminho de ação política; refletir sobre essa rede musical de solidariedade, tomando os discos como fontes principais e objetos de análise, é um dos objetivos principais deste trabalho, a fim de entender como a mobilização da resistência passou pela veiculação de discursos políticos por meio de canções. Para além dos discos produzidos pela solidariedade, outro importante objetivo deste trabalho é refletir sobre a obra musical desenvolvida no exílio por importantes artistas ligados à nueva canción latino-americana. A consciência de que a experiência do exílio não seria tão breve e provisória quanto se havia imaginado inicialmente fez com que os músicos buscassem espaço na indústria cultural dos países de acolhida de modo a retomar suas obras fonográficas, que passaram a refletir sobre a experiência do exílio e os caminhos possíveis para a resistência ao autoritarismo. / The main aim of this research is to show that Latin American integration projects by music, built during the 1960s and early 1970s, were not destroyed by the military dictatorships that settled in Latin America by this time. Although the new regimes had the clear objective of annihilating any experience of political art, trying to destroy the networks of committed art that had been formed in the pre-coup periods, the artists ended up finding strategies of survival in the new context. Those who stayed in their countries went underground. But most of the Latin American committed musicians in the 1970s went to the exile. Their stay in the host countries was largely determined by the articulation of solidarity networks, which tried to support the exiles and also organize actions of resistance and dictatorships violence reports. These movements of solidarity found in the disc production a path of political action; one of the main aim of this work is to reflect on this \"musical network of solidarity\", taking the discs as sources and objects of analysis, in order to understand that the mobilization of the resistance has been based on the transmission of political speeches through songs. In addition to the albums produced by solidarity, another important aim of this work is to reflect on the musical work developed in exile by important artists linked to the nueva canción. The awareness that the exile experience would not be as brief as they had imagined at first made the musicians seek space in the cultural industry of the host countries in order to resume their phonographic works, which began to reflect on the experience of exile and possible ways of resistance to authoritarianism.

Ce travail constitue une réflexion sur la chanson contestataire contemporaine aux États-Unis à travers les chansons et l’engagement politique et social de Bruce Springsteen. Nous défendons la thèse que Springsteen renouvelle le genre de la protest song en s’adaptant à l’époque contemporaine. Pour ce faire, le chanteur adopte quatre stratégies artistiques. Elles consistent à chanter sur les gens ordinaires et leur quotidien, aborder le désenchantement et le désespoir des plus exclus, composer des chansons qui remplissent une fonction cathartique en ayant recours à l’imitation et enfin à militer dans la sphère politique et sociale en soutenant des candidats lors des élections présidentielles américaines tout en offrant des dons aux organisations caritatives qui aident les plus démunis. La thèse démontre que Springsteen arrive à se hisser au sommet du classement des meilleures ventes aux États-Unis et à travers le monde grâce à ces stratégies. Elles lui ont permis de mobiliser un public et d’avoir des millions de fans. Nous proposons d’appeler les chansons engagées de Springsteen des chansons méditatives (reflective songs). La chanson méditative de Springsteen est, sans doute, l’outil culturel de contestation le plus adapté à l’époque contemporaine où il est difficile pour un artiste engagé de protester efficacement du fait de la marchandisation de l’acte même de sa contestation. Il se peut que la reflective song de Bruce Springsteen ne change pas le monde, mais elle peut en revanche permettre aux gens de croire en un monde meilleur et donc de les dissuader de se révolter. / This work is a study of contemporary protest song in the USA through the songs and social and political activism of Bruce Springsteen. It contends that Springsteen has been able to reexamine American protest songs and frame a new genre under the umbrella of rock music by adapting his music to the social and political context of contemporary America. The thesis that I defend shows that the reason behind the commercial success of Springsteen can be explained by the fact that he has adopted several artistic strategies which have brought him an audience composed of dedicated fans who admire him. I argue that Springsteen adopts four main strategies: firstly, singing about ordinary people and reporting their daily hardships; secondly, composing somber songs that deal with the despair of blue collars and marginalized Americans; thirdly, adopting mimesis (imitation) which has a cathartic effect on Springsteen’s audience; and finally, getting involved in social and political activism. The thesis contends that Springsteen is among the top selling rock singers in the USA and several other countries thanks to these four strategies. Springsteen has reinvented protest song as a genre and has become a reference in a world where everything is co-opted including the very act of rebellion. I, therefore, suggest a new term, reflective songs, to describe the songs of Bruce Springsteen when they reflect on the condition of the socially excluded instead of protesting pointlessly. Springsteen’s reflective song is undoubtedly the most relevant artistic medium to shed light on the most deprived people of contemporary America. Perhaps, the reflective song of Bruce Springsteen will not change the world, but at least it gives people a reason to hope for a better future.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / It has become imperative in the current context of Brazilian public school the reading practices as an agenda of constant reflection and research for alternatives that can contribute to the development of the reading comprehension in various levels of middle school students, given the Saeb data and Prova Brasil (2014), whose large-scale assessments showed difficulties of the students to select implicit information, inferring the meaning of a word or expression, among others; there by, indicating, serious deviations of understanding and the appropriation of the writing production, in the act of reading. Based on this fact, the present report has as a guiding objective to promote the formation of a proficient and critical reader through the analysis of Brazilian social protest songs in activities of reading and understanding the implicit textual, enabling recognize them as situated discursive practices in daily life that can contribute to the formation of active citizens in society. Was taken as theoretical support the studies of textual linguistics, the sociocultural perspective; using the sociointeractional language design, subject and text for which the textual and discursive understanding can only be understood when it exceeds the limits of decoding linguistic elements and reaches the horizons of mobilization of the socio-historical and cultural knowledge and reconstruction of these within a communication situation in a given context. Therefore, we used a qualitative research, with the methodological approach by the application of didactics sequence in a 9th grade of elementary school, that used the song of social protest genre as mediator. Taking into account the proposal prepared for the research and what was executed, it is possible to say that the understanding of the text work from the songs analysis is configured as a positive and effective alternatives, as the students found new forms of meanings construction for the studied texts. The results obtained from this work fulfilled the ultimate goal of this trajectory that is becoming theoretical and practical support for the development of a concrete tool for socialization of experienced knowledge: the Pedagogical Section, whose main purpose is to share successful experiences with other Portuguese-speaking teachers in teaching and in the reading learning process. / Tornou-se imperativo, no atual contexto da escola pública brasileira, que as práticas de leitura sejam pauta de constante reflexão e da busca por alternativas que colaborem para o desenvolvimento da compreensão leitora dos alunos do ensino fundamental (EF), em vários níveis, haja vista os dados do Saeb e da Prova Brasil (2014), cujas avaliações em larga escala apontaram dificuldades dos discentes para selecionar informações implícitas, inferir o sentido de uma palavra ou expressão, entre outros; indicando, desse modo, os graves desvios de compreensão e apropriação da produção escrita, no ato de ler. Partindo dessa realidade, o presente relatório tem como objetivo norteador promover a formação de um leitor proficiente e crítico por meio da análise de canções brasileiras de protesto social em atividades de leitura e compreensão dos implícitos textuais, possibilitando reconhecê-las como práticas discursivas situadas no cotidiano que contribuem com a formação de cidadãos ativos na sociedade. Tomaram-se como aporte teórico os estudos da Linguística Textual, na perspectiva sociocultural; adotando-se a concepção sociointeracional de língua, de sujeito e de texto para a qual a compreensão textual e discursiva só pode ser entendida quando ultrapassa os limites da decodificação de elementos linguísticos e alcança os horizontes da mobilização dos saberes sociohistórico e cultural e da reconstrução destes no interior de uma situação de comunicação, num dado contexto. Para tanto, adotou-se a pesquisa de cunho qualitativo, tendo como caminho metodológico a aplicação de Sequência Didática em uma turma de 9º ano (EF), que utilizou a canção de protesto social como gênero textual mediador. Levando-se em conta a proposta elaborada para a pesquisa e o que foi executado, é possível dizer que o trabalho de compreensão do texto a partir da análise de canções configurou-se como uma alternativa positiva e eficiente, na medida em que os alunos descobriram novas formas de construção de sentidos para os textos estudados. Os resultados obtidos a partir desse trabalho atendem ao objetivo final dessa trajetória, que é a elaboração de um instrumento concreto de socialização dos conhecimentos teórico-práticos vivenciados: o Caderno Pedagógico, cujo principal propósito é compartilhar experiências exitosas, testadas no ensino e na aprendizagem da leitura, com outros professores de língua portuguesa.