Dans le monde arabe comme partout dans le monde, le numéro d’utilisateurs des réseaux sociaux ne cesse de croître reléguant ainsi le vieux media au second plan. Ce nouveau media par son accessibilité, est devenu le nouveau lieu de pèlerinage où se rencontre tout chercheur de la vérité. Or, malgré l’absence d’une vraie crédibilité des institutions médiatiques arabes, Al-jazeera était la seule chaîne qui a su gagner la confiance des spectateurs et qui a réussi à regrouper autour d’elle des millions de fidèles arabophones. Durant les révolutions arabes, le quêteur de la vérité a été témoin d’une concurrence de taille entre ces deux sacrées plates-formes, imposés comme alternatif susceptible de satisfaire la soif de l’homme pour la liberté longuement absente dans le media tout comme en société. Cette étude a donc pour ambition d’étudier la rivalité et puis la réconciliation entre « vieux media » en l’occurrence la chaîne satellitaire et les nouveaux medias (les réseaux sociaux) durant le printemps arabe. Il s’agit également d’analyser l’analogie entre la révolution en terre arabe et celle en ligne et d’examiner le potentiel de chacun à provoquer un changement sociopolitique commun. / The co-production of information with the Arab viewer has always been the directive editorial line that distinguished the Qatari channel Al Jazeera since its creation in 1996. Over the years, the recipe has paid off, making Al Jazeera the most watched international news channel in the Arab world. The strategic choice of the channel to make the Arab spectator, long marginalized in the media, an ally is explained by a desire for legitimacy by the emir Hamad ben Khalifa al-Thani especially after the coup against his father in 1995. Nevertheless, cutting off from the old regime imposes substantial changes. With the first political debates on Al Jazeera, the status of the Arab viewer changes dramatically. They become actors and participate with their questions and comments at the cost of a simple phone call. But at the same time, Al Jazeera becomes the enemy of the Arab regimes. Over the years, the Qatari channel won the trust of many viewers, especially during its coverage of major crises in the Arab world, like the second Intifada in 2000 and the American invasion of Iraq in 2003. Through its media coverage from the ground in hot zones, it differentiates itself from other news channels. The year of 2011 was a major turning point in the history of the channel. From day one, Al Jazeera covered the rising demonstrations in the Arab countries. The declared war of autocratic regimes against Al Jazeera does not prevent it from covering stories. Aware of the contributions of digital media, the channel gives spectators the means to participate in the creation and circulation of information. The promotional videos of Al Jazeera are a concrete example. Throuh their short form which enables them to travel from one medium to another; they become an object of media activism. As for the digital platform Sharek, it shows how the channel involves the Arab spectator in the process of spreading and archiving information.

Ce travail de recherche se propose de revenir sur l'histoire médiatico-politique de l'Égypte comme élément central de l'espace public arabe, dans un cadre régional prenant en compte d’autres pays périphériques tels que le Qatar, le Koweït ou l'axe Saoudo-Émirati.Il invite en particulier à une réflexion sur la(-les) politique(-s) communicationnelle(-s) à l’œuvre sous les différents gouvernements de ce que l’on peut appeler la « République des officiers », expression reprise à Yazid Sayegh pour désigner les prises de pouvoir successives de l’Égypte contemporaine par des militaires de profession, à savoir Nasser, Sadate, Moubarak et enfin Sissi.Du journalisme arabiste de résistance offensive à partir des années cinquante jusqu’au développement commercial des médias dans les années quatre-vingt, il sera question d’un examen approfondi de la démarche informationnelle et journalistique des régimes en place, en lien avec les diverses sphères de l’espace public, c’est-à-dire les intellectuels, religieux, ou encore activistes de tous ordres issus de la société civile. Le rôle du régime cosmopolitique fera l’objet d’une analyse également, non pas tant comme phénomène transnational de pacification mondiale au sens d’Ulrich Beck, mais tel que cette instance informelle est exploitée et dévoyée par l’administration américaine et la haute représentation européenne à des fins moins altruistes.Avec la création d’Aljazeera en 1996, signant l’avènement d’un néo-panarabisme communicationnel promu cette fois par un micro-État rentier des pays du Golfe, le Qatar, c’est un vent nouveau qui va souffler sur le traitement télévisuel des questions politiques dans le monde arabe, faisant réagir les autres pays de la péninsule et entraînant la naissance d’une pléthore de chaînes arabes, commerciales pour la plupart. Le développement des réseaux sociaux et des nouvelles technologies de l’information en général ne sont pas oubliés, amenant à interroger les mutations de ce système médiatique qui se complexifie. Entre le schéma de co-isolation dans lequel s’inscrit l’évolution de la chaîne qatarie et le projet contre-révolutionnaire auquel participe financièrement l'axe Saoudo-Emirati suite à l’élection de Morsi, inaugurant dès lors une période de l'absurde politique se généralisant à l'ensemble des interstices de l'espace public régional, il s’agira de décrypter tout particulièrement les paradoxes du système, en articulation avec la notion d’éthique et le concept de reconnaissance. / This research purports to retrace the media and political history of Egypt, as a central element of Arab public space, within a wider regional framework constituted of peripheral countries such as Qatar, Kuwait or the Saudi-Emirati axis.It invites more particularly to a reflection upon the communicational politics at work under the respective governments of what can be called the “Republic of officers”, a phrase borrowed from Yazid Sayegh to designate the successive takeovers of contemporary Egypt by military men, namely Nasser, Sadat, Mubarak, and finally Sisi.From the Arabist journalism of offensive resistance from the fifties’ on, to the commercial development of media in the late eighties’, a thorough examination of the informational and journalistic approach of the regimes in power will be undertaken. This will be linked with the diverse spheres of the public space, i.e. the intellectuals, religious, and all kinds of activists from the civil society. The role played by the cosmopolitical regime will be asked too, not as much as the transnational phenomenon of global pacification in Ulrich Beck’s sense, but rather as this informal body is exploited and corrupted by the American administration and high European representation for not so altruistic aims.When Aljazeera channel was created in 1996, paving the way to a communicational neo-panarabism now promoted by a rentier micro-State of the Gulf region, namely Qatar, a new wind started to blow on the television treatment of political issues in the Arab world. The other countries of the peninsula soon responded, allowing the birth of an abundance of channels, most of which were commercial. The development of social networks and the new information technologies in general are not forgotten leading us to interrogate the mutations of this system which is getting more and more complex. In-between the scheme of co-isolation within which the evolution of the Qatari channel is inscribed and the counter-revolutionary project financially supported by the Saudi-Emirati axis after Morsi’s election, then inaugurating an era of political absurdity permeating all and every interstice of the regional public space, our point will be to decipher more particularly the paradoxes of the system, in articulation with the notion of ethics and the concept of recognition.

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The project suggests an alternative means for living in Qatar. It proposes the development of a transient, floating community a man-made, transitory archipelago of floating housing units located at the ‘soon to be abandoned’ docks a short distance from the Museum of Islamic Art and the Doha Corniche. The design, through a variety of bespoke dwelling options, can provide both more and less nomadic housing to accommodate a variety of dif- ferent lifestyles and social units. Clustered around three permanent islands (containing a cultural/activity center, three adaptable ‘work-unit’ towers, and a park/commercial area), the design provides a wide set of adaptive layout patterns within which the mobile units can be arrayed. Directly plugged into the city, the community functions as a floating appendix to downtown Doha: an adaptable and flexible city-supplement that can expand or contract ac- cording to need, whether to aid in the accommodation of guests for various large-scale sporting or other events, or merely to provide an alternative locale for long or short stay visitors to Doha alike.

“[that] which does not change does not endure” – Henri Bergson Numbers only quantify the development Qatar is experiencing. In Doha, the city is a physical manifestation of these changes. The general approach to development follows a ‘tear down, build new’ model. Potential value is lost in what is discarded, despite necessity and convenience. This study addresses the topic by dispelling the assumed need to destroy in order to build. In doing so, it examines existing vernacular spaces that are often overlooked. The main application is analyzed through agents of space, such as buildings and the urban environment with varied outcomes. The study introduces and encourages an alternative narrative to the existing approach through transformative principles of preservation. It addresses the core concepts of temporality and permanence by negotiating what to retain and/or what to alter. Consequently, trace plays a major role as a process of honoring and embracing the past by materializing it. Incorporating novel elements allow for a shift in perception to occur. Value becomes a method of enriching and elevating a topic, idea, artifact, material, function, or experience.

O objetivo principal deste trabalho é analisar o crescimento da Al Jazeera, a rede de TV árabe que mudou a realidade da imprensa no Oriente Médio e em poucos anos se tornou uma das mais vistas no mundo. A rede de TV foi fundada em 1996 em Doha, Catar, durante um período de grandes mudanças no país. Até o ano anterior, um governo conservador limitava os avanços, mas um golpe de Estado levou ao poder o atual Emir, que começou a promover reformas liberais resultando assim em mudanças significativas ao país. A criação da Al Jazeera era parte de um plano de modernização. Em 2001, o canal árabe ganhou notoriedade quando transmitiu os vídeos de Osama Bin Laden. Desde então, o mundo voltou os olhos para o que estava sendo produzido lá. Em 2006, a emissora lançou um canal em inglês, a fim de mostrar as notícias de uma perspectiva árabe. A pesquisa foi baseada na bibliografia especializada e nos trabalhos teóricos de comunicação que complementam com observações in loco e entrevistas com a equipe da Al Jazeera em Doha. Nesta dissertação, analisam-se o contexto de surgimento da Al Jazerra, a cobertura de algumas guerras e transformações, o surgimento de outros veículos e a criação do canal em inglês com o intuito de compreender o processo de consolidação e expansão dessa rede. / The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the growth of Al Jazeera, the Arabic TV network that changed the reality of media in Middle East and in a couple of years became one of the world most watched station. The TV network was founded in 1996 in Doha, Qatar, during a great changing time in the country. Until last year, a conservative government restricted the progress, but a coup brought to power the current Emir, who began promoting liberal reforms resulting in significant changes to the country. The creation of Al Jazeera was part of a modernization plan. In 2001, the Arabic channel gained notoriety when broadcasted videos of Osama Bin Laden. Since then, the world turned its eyes to what was being produced there. In 2006, the station launched a channel in English, in order to show the news from an Arab perspective. The research was based on specialized literature review and theoretical works which complement with on ground observations and interviews given by Al Jazeeras staff in Doha. In this thesis, we analyze the context of the emergence of Al Jazerra, covering wars and some social transformations, the emergence of other media and creating the channel in English, in order to understand the process of consolidation and expansion of this network.

In the Middle East, and specifically Qatar, water has significant cultural history and preciousness as a commodity. Today, the rapid economic development has resulted in a disconnection from the past leading to subconscious overconsumption of water. This thesis investigates water from the context of cultural relevance, by examining systems of distribution before and after the discovery of oil. It reinterprets the materiality of the traditional ceramic vessels used to contain and preserve water with the intention of using the natural properties of clay, such as cooling and filtering, to produce new artifacts. The intent of this research is to critically comment on current water consumption habits and raise awareness by presenting alternatives solutions.

Infrastructure project delays and cost overrun are caused by ineffective use of organizational skills, processes, and resources by project managers in the construction industry. Cost overrun and schedule delay in Qatari infrastructure projects have had damaging effects on the national economy by way of claims and litigation, contractual disputes, delays in dependent projects, and project abandonment. The purpose of this qualitative case study was to explore the perceptions of project managers regarding how they utilize capacity-planning practices to mitigate project schedule delay and cost overrun in government-funded infrastructure projects in Qatar. This study was framed by three conceptual models developed by Gill to outline the capacity management needs within a construction company: (a) the time horizon model, (b) the individual-organization-industry levels model, and (c) the capacity development across components model. Date were collected from semistructured interviews with 8 participants, observational field notes, and archival data regarding Qatari infrastructure project managers' experiences in capacity-planning practices. Thematic analysis of textual data and cross-case synthesis analysis yielded 5 conceptual categories that encompassed 15 themes. The conceptual categories were (a) resources to meet performance capacity, (b) knowledgeable and skillful staff, (c) short- and long-term planning strategy, (d) cost overrun issue, and (e) time management. Findings may be used to promote timely completion of infrastructure projects, which may benefit citizens, construction companies, and the economy of Qatar.

This document presents a study of astronomical observing conditions of Hard Labor Creek Observatory. Analysis of factors such as sky brightness, astonomical seeing, and patterns in the level of cloudiness at the site are presented. Characteristics of the observatory's Apogee Alta U230 camera are also measured and calculated. These characteristics include loss of linearity in the CCD's response to light, read noise, gain, dark current, and stability in the camera's bias levels. The camera is also used in conjunction with the 20-inch RC Optics telescope to determine the system's pixel scale and a set of limiting magnitudes for the Johnson-Cousins photometric filters that are used with the camera. Observations of a transit of known transiting exoplanet Qatar-2 b as well as observations of the open cluster Messier 29 are also performed to demonstrate the ability of the equipment to perform precise photometric observations.

Neoliberal preferences by the ruling families and elite of both the UAE and Qatar have informed their decision-making along the lines of investors or CEOs of country corporations. Therefore, 21st century development in these countries has followed the patterns of diversifying a portfolio. While the literature speaks to the diversification of the economy, this dissertation presents the diversification of security, wherein a neoliberal worldview shapes holistic approaches to security. Given the hard power weakness of these countries, built as it is upon the foundation of a temporary strength—resource wealth—that is rapidly becoming a future weakness, the leaders of these states have sought to maximize the efficient use of resource wealth by developing a broad array of capital and cooperation-producing activities that fill particular niche roles in the international community, thereby providing interdependence that contributes to maintaining the status quo and security. In the UAE this has followed the haven approach, a pattern that develops internally to offer a depth and breadth of activity that draws in the international community and its various forms of capital. Qatar has taken the broadcaster approach, building upon a haven-like foundation to project outward through media and diplomacy for the sake of producing interdependence. Interestingly, both countries leverage sport for the diversification of security in each approach. The UAE offers sheer numbers and scope of sport that contribute to and promote the sport capital of its haven while Qatar courts fewer but grander large-scale events that present a stage for projecting its sport power. Yet, as is the case with any strategy there are inherent risks to implementing these approaches for security purposes, chief among which is the exchange of one set of known risk—or insecurity—for another, below-the-surface set. Both countries have exacerbated or created internal sources of instability, from rapid, untenable development and the subsequent abuse of migrant workers to challenges to traditional values and identity. Ultimately, however, the UAE's haven approach has proven the most diverse and therefore most durable, especially in light of the Arab Spring. This is shown through the press profile measure, which uses keywords derived from the (in)security characteristics of each approach to ascertain the profile of each country based on articles in the international press. It, too, demonstrates that the depth and breadth of the UAE's diverse portfolio haven activities better situates it to present a profile of a viable partner for interdependence to the global community. In neoliberal and investment terms, during an economic downturn the UAE held cash and a wide assortment of bonds while Qatar doubled-down on high-risk, high-reward stocks like military and political engagement as well as the Muslim Brotherhood. On one hand, as the value of these stocks plummeted Qatar's portfolio has lost tremendous value and it continues to delay "realizing" its losses by cutting ties and rebalancing. On the other hand, the UAE now has the freedom to further rebalance and diversify its portfolio of security activities by selectively engaging in prestige-producing endeavors like using a female fighter pilot to spearhead the US-led coalition against ISIS.