Magister Philosophiae - MPhil / This thesis investigated the factors contributing to the tense relationship between the congregations of the African Methodist Episcopal Church and the Dutch Reformed Mission Church in Piketberg during 1903-1972. It investigated the reasons why two congregations of colour in a small town as Piketberg were established. The problem that was investigated was a social, historical and religious one of determining which factors contributed to such tension. / South Africa

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD (Religion and Theology) / This research project focuses on the relationship between the American and the African districts of the African Methodist Episcopal Church during the period from 1896 to 2004. It investigates the factors which led to the tensions emerged in the relationship between the American districts and the African districts. It specifically investigates the reasons for the five secession movements that took place in the 15th and 19th Districts of the AME Church in 1899, 1904, 1908, 1980 and 1998. The research problem investigated in this thesis is therefore one of a historical reconstruction, namely to identify, describe and assess the configurations of factors which contributed to such tensions in relationship between the AME Church in America and Africa. The relationships between the American and the African districts of the AME Church have been characterised by various tensions around the sovereignty of the African districts. Such tensions surfaced, for example, in five protest movements, which eventually led to secessions from the AME Church in South Africa. The people of the African continent merged with the American based AME Church with the expectation that they would be assisted in their quest for self-determination. The quest for self-determination in the AME Church in Africa has a long history. The Ethiopian Movement was established by Mangena Maake Mokone in 1892 as a protest movement against white supremacy and domination in the Wesleyan Methodist Church. However, the lack of infrastructure within the Ethiopian Movement and the constant harassment from the Governments of South Africa in the formation of black indigenous churches compelled Mokone to link with a more established and independent Black Church. The AME Church presented such an opportunity to Mokone. The parallels of subordination in the history of the Ethiopian Movement and the AME Church in America gave Mokone to hope that the quest for self-reliance could be attained within the AME Church. / South Africa

Life is characterized by change, and most of the time there is some conflict. The two variables cannot be separated because there are different perceptions of change which bring about the emergence of different attitudes of people towards change. Some people will want change, some will not while others accept whatever comes their way. As a result, evolutionary and revolutionary types of change are experienced. Thus, as long as there is life, change and conflict will always be experienced. Even in the non-democratic South Africa change was experienced through pain and suffering. Conflict which was characterized by hatred and violence became the order of the day. Finally, political change from a non-democratic to a democratic South Africa engulfed South Africa with the advent of justice and equality through the democratic, all-inclusive elections of 27 April 1994. The process of break-and-make started. Change became intensified in all the spheres of life in order to redress the past. The transformation process affected all institutions. Universities were no exceptions. They had to change. The first step in the direction of change was to open them to all races. Thus, the composition of student communities drastically changed. That implies that adjustments in cultures and traditions are unavoidable. New structures which are relevant to new student compositions have to be put in place. Students who own cultures and traditions at these universities and are still comfortable with them, will most likely resist change. On the other hand, those students whose cultures and traditions are not accommodated will push for revolutionary change. Consequently, the two opposing perceptions bring about conflict. It is therefore essential to seek ways that could facilitate change and the effective management of conflict within student life. That becomes the challenge to the student affairs division since it has been established to create an environment conducive to learning despite transformational processes which often meet with vehement resistance. This study is geared to outline in detail what change entails, changes that are experienced within student communities in universities, pitfalls experienced in change processes and how change can be effectively managed. Furthermore, since conflict can result from change processes, it will be addressed by way of establishing the causes thereof and detailing how it can be best managed. / Thesis (PhD (Education Management))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Education Management and Policy Studies / unrestricted

This research is situated within the context of the post-apartheid era in South Africa, which includes the dominant ideologies and policies that have shaped the urban landscape of the past and present. It investigates the extent and patterns of integration that exist twenty years after the country’s political transition and it uses Grahamstown, a small education and cultural centre in the Eastern Cape Province, as its case study. The investigation incorporates the traditional geographical focus of residential and educational integration, using conventional means of investigation such as segregation indices, dissimilarity indices, percentages and maps. However, in identifying the broader nature of ‘segregation’ and ‘integration’, the study moves beyond these foci and approaches. It adopts the timegeographical framework to reveal the dynamic use of urban space that reflects the lived space of selected individuals from the community of Grahamstown: the extent and patterns of their behavioural integration or spatial linkages. Together, these approaches reveal that Grahamstown is still a city divided by race and, now, class. Schools and residential areas remain tied to the apartheid divisions of race and the white community exists almost entirely within the bounds of apartheid’s blueprint of urban space. Rhodes University, which is located within Grahamstown, has experienced admirable levels of integration within the student body and within the staff as a whole, but not within the staff’s different levels. In essence, where integration has occurred it has been unidirectional with the black community moving into the spaces and institutions formerly reserved for whites. The limited behavioural integration or spatial linkages are shown to be tied to city structure and, within the white group, to perceptions of ‘otherness’ held by the individuals interviewed. While the study shows limited differences in the time-spatial movements between members of different races who are resident in the former white group area, it highlights the differences between those more permanently resident in the city and the temporary educational migrants or students. The study argues that the slow pace of change is related to the nature of South Africa’s democratic transition and its attending political and economic policies.

Afrikaans: Die eenheid van die kerk is 'n skriftuurlike werklikheid. Hierdie eenheid is nie alleen 'n geestelike eenheid nie, maar moet ook uitgroei tot 'n konkrete, sigbare eenheid. Die NG Kerkfamilie in Suid-Afrika worstel met die vraag oor hoe hierdie eenheid sigbaar vergestalt moet word. Die NG Kerkfamilie bevind homself tans in 'n impasse en die vordering op die pad na kerklike eenheid het in 'n groot mate tot stilstand gekom. Die studie stel die historiese en kerkregtelike verloop van die kerkverenigingsproses in die NG Kerkfamilie aan die orde. Vir bykans tweehonderd jaar was die NG Kerk één kerk. Hierna het daar verwydering gekom en het dit gegroei vanaf die hou van aparte dienste tot die stigting van eie kerke op kleurgrondsiag. Die NG Kerkfamilie het die moeisame pad na kerklike eenheid begin stap. Hierdie proses is gekenmerk deur 'n wisseiwerking tussen toenadering of 'n soeke na eenheid aan die een kant en verwydering of verskeurdheid aan die ander kant. Die NG Kerk het die staatsbeieid van apartheid ondersteun en het dit skriftuurlik regverdig. Hierdeur het die kerk homself geïsoleer en het die verskeurdheid groter geword in die NG Kerkfamilie. Die NG Sendingkerk het 'n Status Confession afgekondig en dit het aanleiding gegee tot die Belydenis van Belhar. Hiermee het die NG Sendingkerk die verdeeldheid ook in 'n belydenis verwoord. Die NG Kerk het veral sedert 1990 'n hand van versoening uitgereik en gekies vir een kerkverband. Eenheid het totstand gekom tussen die NG Sendingkerk en die NG Kerk in Afrika met die stigting van die Verenigende Gereformeerde Kerk in Suider-Afrika (1994). Ongelukkig het interne weerstand in die hofsaal geeindig en het 'n deel van die NG Kerk in Afrika bly voortbestaan. Die kerkverenigingsproses het verval in 'n slakkepas en het uiteindelik in 'n impasse beland. Hoewel kontak op plaaslike vlak en nuwe gesprekspotensiaal op sinodale vlak ontgin is, is weinig vordering gemaak. Verskeie struikelblokke in die pad na kerklike eenheid belemmer die vordering met die kerkverenigingsproses in die NG Kerkfamilie. Die studie toon aan dat meer as net teologiese, kerklike en kerkregtelike faktore dikwels 'n rol speel in die vordering al dan nie met kerkverenigingsprosesse. Almal van ons sonder, bewustelik of onbewustelik, bepaalde faktore uit in die proses. Die gespreksgenote het dikwels nie dieselfde einddoelwit nie en dit het tot gevolg dat verskillende agendas 'n bepalende rol in die verenigingsproses speel. Prinsipieel-kerkregtelike beginsels lê onder andere ten grondslag van 'n suksesvolle kerkvereningingsproses. Hierdie fundamentele vertrekpunte in die gereformeerde kerkreg moet as basis dien vir die kerkverenigingsproses in die NG Kerkfamilie. Verskillende modelle vir kerkeenheid is in die verlede reeds aangebied as oplossings vir die strukturele eenheid. Hierdie studie bied 'n dinamiese, bifokale versoeningsmodel aan vir die proses van kerkvereniging in die NG Kerkfamilie. Hierdie model wil dinamiese groei teweeg bring in die onderlinge verhoudings en intussen ook geleentheid skep vir outentieke verantwoordbare verhoudingstigting. Twee fokus- of groeipunte (sinodale en plaaslike vlak) werk gelyktydig om die proses te bevorder en versoening vorm die basis vir hernude groei tot eenheid. English: The unification of the church is a scriptural reality. This unity is not only a spiritual unity, but must also develop into a concrete, visible unity. The Dutch Reformed Church family in South Africa are struggling with the question of how this unity should be visibly embodied. The Dutch Reformed Church family presently finds itself in an impasse and the progress on the road to ecclesiastical unity has, to a large extent, come to a standstill. The study allows discussion on the church historical and church polity course of the unification process of the church in the Dutch Reformed Church family. For almost two hundred years the Dutch Reformed Church (NG Church) was one church. After this, a division occurred and it grew from holding separate services to the establishment of own churches based on colour. Then the Dutch Reformed Church (NG Church) began the arduous road to ecclesiastical unity. This process was characterised by an interaction between reconciliation or a search for unity on the one side, and alienation or dissension on the other side. The Dutch Reformed Church (NG Church) supported the government's policy of Apartheid and justified it scriptually. By doing this, the church isolated itself and the dissension became more widespread• in the Dutch Reformed Church family. The NG Missionary Church had a Status Confession is promulgated and gave rise to the Confession of Belhar. Thereby the NG Missionary Church also expressed the dissension in a confession. The Dutch Reformed Church (NG Church) stretched out a hand of reconciliation particularly since 1990 and opted for one church relationship. Unity came about between the NG Missionary Church and the NG Church in Africa with the founding of the United Reformed Church in Southern Africa in 1994. Unfortunately, internal resistance ended in the law courts and only part of the NG Church in Africa survived. The unification process of the church fell into a snail's pace and eventually landed in an impasse. Although contact on local level and new potential for dialogue was cultivated on synodical level, little progress was made. Various stumbling blocks on the road to church unity thwarted the progress of the unification process of the Dutch Reformed Church family. The study reflects whether or not more than only theological, ecclesiastical and church polity factors often play a role in the progress of the unification processes of the church. We all exempt, whether intentionally or not, certain specific factors in the process. The fellow conversationalists often do not have the same goal and the result is that various agenda’s play a determining role in the unification process. Fundamental church polity principles, inter alia, lay the foundation of a successful unification process in the church. These fundamental points of departure in the reformed church polity must serve as a basis for the unification process in the Dutch Reformed Church family. Various models for the unity of the church have already in the past been presented as solutions for structural unity. This study presents a dynamic, bifocal reconciliation model for the unification process of the church in the Dutch Reformed Church family. This model aims at bringing about dynamic growth in mutual relationships, simultaneously also creating an opportunity for establishing authentic, accountable relationships. Two focal- or growth points (on synodal and local level) work together simultaneously to promote the process, and reconciliation forms the basis for renewed growth toward unity. / Thesis (PhD (Church History and Church Polity))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Church History and Church Polity / unrestricted

Over the century 1880-1980, settlers of Chinese origin in Vancouver, British Columbia have been perceived primarily through the nexus of a racial category that defines them as pre-eminently "Chinese" or "Oriental." Similarly, their place in the urban landscape, "Chinatown," has in one sense been a product of host-society categories and institutional practices that have acted to single Chinatown out, and to render it continuously a place apart. The point of departure for this thesis is the view that "race" is not an objectively given biological trait, but an idea, defined by the significance people attach to it. It is an idiom around which have been erected epistemological distinctions of insider and outsider, "we" and "they." In view of the problematic nature of race, it is argued that one of the tasks of the social science of race relations is to uncover the socio-historical process by which racial categories are themselves constructed and institutionalized over time and in certain contexts. In developing this argument, the thesis demonstrates the role played by place and the state in the continuous making of a racial category, the "Chinese." The significance of place is identified for its role as the historically evolving nexus through which the racial category is structured. It is argued that "Chinatown" - like race - is an idea, a representation that belongs to the white European cultural tradition and the intention of the thesis is to trace the career of its social definition over the course of a century. In so doing, the claim is made that Chinatown reveals as much of the "West" as it does of the "East." Ideas of place and identity would not be so enduring or effective, however, but for the fact that they have been repeatedly inscribed in the practices of those with the power of definition. It is argued that the three levels of the Canadian state, as the legislative arms of a hegemonic "white" European historical bloc, have granted legitimacy to, and reproduced the race definition process through their national, provincial and neighbourhood practices. This process continues through the long period when "Chinatown" was reviled as a public nuisance, promoted as a "Little Corner of the Far East," reconstructed as a "slum" and finally under the aegis of multiculturalism, courted in the 1970s by the Canadian state precisely for its perceived "Chineseness." Underlying these changing definitions of Chinatown, it is argued, is a deeper racial frame of reference that has been continuously re-created through discriminatory and more subtle ways as part of the exercise of white European cultural domination. Lying behind the career of the racial category, therefore, is the history of the relationship between place, racial discourse, power and institutional practice in a British settler society. The study is undertaken with a view to uncovering those relationships and by way of a contribution to the recent rediscovery of place in human geography. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

During the fall of 1924, the British Columbia Legislature debated a bill that proposed banning the employment of white women and Asian men as servants in the same household. Although this piece of legislation (publicly known as the "Janet Smith Bill") never passed into law, it offers great insight into the racial and nationalist ideas that were dominant in 1920's British Columbia. Drawing on postmodern theories of 'discourse' and 'knowledge,' I have located the Janet Smith Bill within larger intellectual and political structures to understand what the bill's goal of "protecting white women" means. My thesis identifies two primary meanings of this bill. First, the Janet Smith Bill is meant to prevent the production of Eurasian children in British Columbia by keeping Asian men and young white women physically apart. Scientific "knowledge" dictated that such offspring would only produce social chaos in the country. The second primary meaning of the bill is based on the nationalist drive to keep British Columbia "white" by increasing the white birthrate. Moral reformers and politicians feared that young white women would become drug addicts through close association with 'Orientals,' consequently forsaking their duty as "mothers of the race." Protecting white women, according to this discourse, meant protecting their ability and opportunity to produce healthy white babies. The Janet Smith Bill, therefore, was meant to produce and reproduce a "white British Columbia." / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

M.A. / Ethnic conflict, a reality throughout the world, demands strong action and firm control from the Military and Police Forces of affected societies. It is important that the Police, in any given society, should act impartially and objectively in the execution of their duties. Policing of ethnic groups in conflict should therefore take place without differentiating between population groups. This study investigates the attitudes of black policemen towards ethnic violence as related to (i) factors like ethnic identification, loyalty to the South African Police and their experience of violence and (ii) certain biographic factors namely mother tongue, age, academic qualifications, rank, division, area stationed, years of service, marital status, children, school going children, place of residence, acknowledgement of traditional tribal heads and period of participation in the study. In this study empirical research was conducted in which a questionnaire was completed by a sample of 298 black policemen. The questionnaire consisted of questions on the biographical background of black policemen as well as questions measuring their attitude towards ethnic violence, their ethnic identification, their loyalty to the South African Police and their experience of violence. To measure the above-mentioned factors, four scales were developed by means of factor analysis and item analysis. Ethnic identification, loyalty to the South African Police, experience of violence and attitude towards ethnic violence were further analysed in terms of the biographical background of policemen, making use of one-way analysis of variance and Scheffe's paired comparisons, Hotelling T2 and t tests and Pearsons correlation. It was found that black policemen who are South Sotho speaking identify stronger with their ethnic group than Zulu speaking policemen. It was further found that black policemen who joined the South African Police with service for their country as motive, who acknowledge traditional tribal heads and experienced verbal insult and intimidation in a high degree, have a strong identification with their ethnic group. With regard to loyalty to the South African Police, it was found that black policemen stationed in Soweto, are more loyal to the police than policemen stationed on the East Rand. It was also found that black policemen who joined the South African Police with service for their country as motive, and who are older, are more loyal to the police. Regarding black policemen's experience of violence, it was found that policemen who are stationed on the East Rand experienced more violence than black policemen stationed in Soweto. It was also found that black policemen who experience a high degree of verbal insult and intimidation, and those who participated in the study just after the election have experienced a high degree of violence. Regarding the intercorrelation between the different scales, it was found that the more black policemen identify with their ethnic group, the more they experience violence and the more they approve of ethnic violence. It was further found that black policemen who approve of ethnic violence, identify stronger with their ethnic group, are less loyal to the South African Police and experience violence to a higher degree.

M.A. / Transracial Adoption (TRA) was legalised in South Africa in June 1991. TRA is a controversial issue all over the world. In the United Kingdom and United States there has been extensive research on TRA related to many different aspects of it, rendering a variety of conflicting results. Little research has been conducted around TRA in South Africa to date. This study was undertaken to research the relatively new phenomenon of TRA in South Africa. The study was based on literature and research from overseas, to identify how TRA in South Africa compares. The respondents of the study were parents who have adopted transracially and social workers who have been involved in TRA. A hybrid of exploratory and descriptive study was conducted. Fourteen parents and twenty-one social workers responded to the questionnaires. The primary limitation being the small sample of respondents, however, due to the population size being small this sample could be representative. The results showed that people involved in TRA in South Africa are aware of, and concerned about, very similar issues as those raised overseas. As TRA in South Africa is still in its teething phase, valuable results emerged about how to go about TRA, so as to make it most effective for all parties concerned. Preparation for TRA, racial identity issues and recommendations for further research were discussed according to results from the study.

The rise and development of ‘Coloured’ labour relations and political organisations form the central theme of this study. These two areas of South African contemporary history have received comparatively little attention for a number of reasons. Not the least of these is the controversial issue of whether or not it is justifiable or accurate to treat ‘Coloureds’ as a separate and identifiable group apart from the black majority. The term ‘Coloured’ as used in the South African context refers to those people often described in other societies as of mixed race, mulattos or half-castes. Within this study the term ‘Coloured with a capital C and hereafter without apostrophes is used to avoid confusion with ‘coloured1 meaning black. Black is used in the general sense of all those people not being White. The impact of organized Coloured politics, however, has been greater than their minority status would suggest, especially in the Cape, and in particular in the Western Cape, where most of the people described as Coloured live. When Coloured political mobilization started in the 1890’s, it centered in Cape Town. The founding of the first successful Coloured political movement, the African Political Organization (APO), marked the start of successful black political mobilization on a national scale in South Africa. Other Coloured organisations which emerged after the APO made important contributions to the tactics and ideologies of Black political leaders. Coloured intellectuals in the 1940’s propagated the principle of non-collaboration with segregatory political institutions, implemented through the tactic of the boycott, a strategy employed to good effect by contemporary Black organisations. This study is divided into three main sections. Chapters 1 and 2 trace the origins of the labour history in which past and present day developments in the industrial relations system can be viewed in relation to the political, industrial and economic systems that have evolved within South Africa since the occupation of the Western Cape by the Dutch in 1652. The initial contact between these Europeans and the indigenous inhabitants of the Cape developed a relationship which determined the pattern of interaction between Black and White South Africans the major traces of which have still remained until today. Chapters 3, 4 and 5 deal with the early history of the Coloured people, their industrial and political organisations prior to the watershed year of South African Industrial Relations, 1979, whereafter a more generalised view is adopted in order to trace the broad trends which have emerged with the new labour dispensation and its industrial enfranchisement of the Black worker. The remaining chapters concentrate on Coloured participation within the Industrial and Political arenas, particularly in the Western Cape, and offer substantiation for the postulate of a new political grouping based on socialist principles and having a similar trend in terms of its origins to that of the British Labour Party at its birth at the turn of this century. It is concluded that this grouping would be a natural home for the ‘stateless’ Coloured, and ideologically and politically would offer coherence and structure to the disparate groupings within the United Democratic Front (UDF) and form the most potential, Western Cape based political party ‘in waiting'. / This occasional paper is based on the technical report which received the Finansbank award for 1987