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The present research was concerned with examining the presence of anger in black subjects and determining if and how the experience of anger influences their perceptions of other blacks as well as whites. The hypotheses underlying the present research were: (1) Blacks who inhibit anger (anger inhibited) would exhibit a greater likelihood of viewing whites positively while viewing blacks in a more negative fashion; (2) Blacks who express anger (anger expressed) would exhibit a greater likelihood of viewing blacks more positively while viewing whites in a more negative fashion; (3) Differences were anticipated in the ratings of black vis-a-vis white subjects and these differences were examined. subjects were 55 students drawn from the following sources: 28 (16 females, 12 males) white students from University of Central Florida psychology classes; 27 (19 females, 8 males) black students were obtained through the University of Central Florida Office of Minority Affairs. The mean age for black subjects was 20.0, while the mean age for whites was 25.5. The Anger Self Report (A.S.R.) was used to delineate 12 black and 14 white subjects who tend to inhibit anger from 15 black and 14 white subjects whose tendencies are toward the expression of anger. Blacks and whites, in separated groups, then viewed and rated 50 photographs depicting blacks and whites on eight personality dimensions. The analysis of the data showed that black anger expressers do, in fact, rate blacks significantly higher than whites. On the other hand, anger inhibited blacks and whites showed no preference when presented with an identical stimulus situation. White anger expressers also showed no preference.

This thesis examines the presence of American military personnel in Australia during the Second World War. Around one million US soldiers spent some time in the country. This American occupation resulted in several areas of tension between US military personnel and Australian civilians. Areas of conflict, that have hitherto received little attention from historians, are examined in this dissertation. Jurisdictional and policing disputes between the US military and Queensland officials, American criminal behaviour, and problems between Australian labourers and American authorities are all examined. Other "fault lines," such as race and gender relations, which have been looked at by other historians, are also examined; this thesis provides new insights into these areas. How senior authorities on both sides managed crises and coordinated efforts to manage relations between civilians and Gls are also studied. Sexual relations were directed towards certain associations (prostitution), whilst other associations (marriage) were discouraged. Authorities increased efforts to manage interracial sexual relations, as both countries had a history of discouraging and even outlawing miscegenation. Ultimately, this thesis argues that problems between American personnel and Australians during the occupation did not threaten to upset the war effort or the alliance between the United States and Australia, but there were everyday problems between allies and concurrent efforts to manage relations in the context of a global war. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

This research examines constructs and discourses of racial and ethnic differences within York County, Pennsylvania. Located in south central Pennsylvania along the Maryland border, the York region has long held a reputation as a hotbed for white supremacy and racial prejudice. The Ku Klux Klan has been active in York County since the 1920s, and in recent years the Klan has resurfaced in the local area amidst an increase in the Latino population. The growth of the Latino population within York County has shifted the nature of racial and ethnic relations, as historically relations between whites and blacks comprised the primary axis of tension and conflict in the local area. Although the Latino population of York County consists of Puerto Ricans, Mexicans, Dominicans, Cubans, and Central and South Americans, popular external local and media-driven discourses often conflate Latinos with Mexican-ness and racialize Latinos in highly negative terms as illegal aliens, criminals, and welfare recipients who threaten American national identity. These external discourses of latinidad contrast sharply with the manner in which local Latino and Latina residents construct their own ethnic identities. During Barack Obama's 2008 Presidential campaign, the black-white racial dichotomy reemerged in local racialized discourses. As such, the research also examines constructs and discourses of whiteness and blackness within the York area. York County features several anti-racist human relations activists and organizations. This research contains ethnographic interviews and analysis of local anti-racist activists and their activities designed to foster greater tolerance and to combat racial and ethnic prejudice within the local area. Anti-racist activists have had different life experiences that have raised their awareness to racism and have led them to become active in their cause. Public anti-racist activities take a variety of forms and consist of various programming strategies, which appears to impact their effectiveness in generating the size of turnout and level of interest among the general public. / Anthropology

My dissertation, Racing the City: Intentional Integration and the Pursuit of Racial Justice in Post-WWII America, examines the creation, experience, and meaning of intentionally integrated residential space in the latter half of the twentieth century. Entering into the growing historiographical conversations on post-war American cities and the northern civil rights movement, I argue that with a strong commitment to maintaining residential cohesion and a heightened sense of racial justice in the wake of the Second World War, liberal integrationists around the country embarked on grassroots campaigns seeking to translate the ideals of racial equality into a blueprint for genuine interracial living. Through innovative real estate efforts, creative marketing techniques, and religious activism, pioneering community groups worked to intentionally integrate their neighborhoods, to serve as a model for sustainable urbanity and racial justice in the United States. My research, centered on the northwest Philadelphia neighborhood of West Mount Airy, chronicles a liberal community effort that confronted formal legal and governmental policies and deeply entrenched cultural understandings; through this integration project, activists sought to redefine post-war urban space in terms of racial inclusion. In crafting such a narrative, I challenge much of the scholarship on the northern struggle for racial justice, which paints a uniform picture of a divisive and violent racial urban environment. At the same time, my dissertation explores how hard it was for urban integrationists to build interracial communities. I portray a neighborhood struggling with the deeper meanings of integrated space, with identity politics and larger institutional, structural, and cultural forces, and with internal resistance to change. In that sense, I speak to the larger debates over post-WWII urban space; my research, here, implies a cultural explanation complementing the political and economic narratives of white flight and urban crisis that scholars have crafted over the last two decades. This is at once the story of a group of people seeking to challenge the seeming inevitability of segregation by creating an economically stable, racially integrated community predicated upon an idealized vision of American democracy, and it is the story of the fraying of that ideal. / History

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Wilson (1980) argued that social class has superseded race as the most important determinant of life chances for black Americans. His statements have sparked a heated debate in the sociology of race relations. This dissertation is an empirical test of the “declining significance of race" thesis in relation to the quality of life of black Americans. It assumes that "life chances” include not only economic criteria but also the possibility of attaining a happy, satisfying, and healthy life. Two perspectives on the relationship between race and well-being were distinguished. The “class" perspective identifies the source of the problems blacks face as increasingly a class phenomena rather than one of race. The “race” perspective sees race as increasingly the source of the problems blacks face. These two perspectives were tested using data from three different sources: the NORC General Social Survey; the Quality of American Life, 1971 and 1978 (Campbell and Converse, 1971, 1978); and Americans View Their Mental Health, 1957 and 1976: Selected Variables (Veroff, Douvan and Kulka, 1978). The effects of race and class (and other demographic variables) were compared across the years of each survey on selected measures of subjective well-being. The results revealed a persistent race effect on all of the quality of life measures except for the scales measuring psychiatric symptoms. Most of the race effects persisted even when controlling for social class, sex, marital status, and age across all the years examined. These results support the "race" perspective that “being black" is detrimental to the psychological well-being of blacks regardless of their social class status. There was, however, no discernible trend of race increasing or declining in significance--only its continuing significance. / Ph. D.

This study describes the development of the black business and professional community with emphasis on the period from 1920 to 1930, the riot itself, and the impact of the episode on the local black community. It utilizes traditional historical research methods, county records, contemporary newspapers, and oral history.

This thesis includes two background chapters based largely on secondary works; Chapters I and II trace the historiography of black participation in American military engagements from the American Revolution through the Korean conflict. Chapter III, based largely on primary sources, places emphasis on black resistance and attitudes toward the Vietnam crisis. Evidence indicates that the Vietnam era of black protest was not unique but was an evolutionary process that had its roots in other periods in American history. Some blacks questioned their involvement in each American military conflict from the American Revolution to Vietnam.