Abstract not available

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Carleton University, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 184-208). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

In an attempt to eradicate biases in substantive law and evidentiary procedures, legislative changes were implemented for sexual offences in 1983. Historically, biases in rape law had resulted in high attrition of cases at each stage of criminal justice processing, low conviction rates, and poor treatment of victims. The new legislation, which included the introduction of the offence 'sexual assault', was designed to emphasize the violent nature of sexual aggression rather than the sexual nature.<p> Law reform, however, is influenced by the response of the criminal justice personnel who must implement the new legislation. Judges are critical personnel within this framework because they both implement the reform in individual court cases and interpret the meaning of the new law. It is critical, therefore, to examine judicial understanding of the social, political, and economic meaning of the law, and more specifically, to examine their understanding of the nature of sexual violence.<p> Using a content analysis of 109 'remarks at sentencing', this study examines the impact of the 1983 reform on judicial definitions of sexual violence. The sentencing 'transcripts' are drawn from 66 sexual offence cases heard at the Court of Appeal for Saskatchewan between 1975-1988. Transcripts are analyzed for the absence or presence of references to each of 9 themes (violence, coercion, physical impact of the offence on the victim, psychological impact of the offence on the victim, breach of trust, the significance of penetration, the accused's criminal history, the role of alcohol or drug abuse, and the accused's control over his sexual drive). Each theme reflects an influential variable in judicial decision-making concerning sexual offences.<p> The results of the study indicated that since 1983,frequently and suggest that judges are attempting to reflect the 3 tier classification of sexual assault outlined in the new legislation. At the same time, however, judicial definitions of these variables continue to reflect stereotypes and myths associated with sexual violence. Judicial responses to sexual violence tend to minimize the culpability of sexual offenders and to minimize the seriousness of the offence. One of the most significant findings was that the 'sexual' element continues to dominate judicial definitions of sexual aggression rather than the 'violent' element. This emphasis implies that 'coercive' sexual acts have the same sexual character as 'consensual' sexual acts.<p> It appears, therefore, that the reform has been unsuccessful in meeting its objectives at the judicial level. However, the small change which has occurred may lay the groundwork for further change in the future.

In an attempt to eradicate biases in substantive law and evidentiary procedures, legislative changes were implemented for sexual offences in 1983. Historically, biases in rape law had resulted in high attrition of cases at each stage of criminal justice processing, low conviction rates, and poor treatment of victims. The new legislation, which included the introduction of the offence 'sexual assault', was designed to emphasize the violent nature of sexual aggression rather than the sexual nature.<p> Law reform, however, is influenced by the response of the criminal justice personnel who must implement the new legislation. Judges are critical personnel within this framework because they both implement the reform in individual court cases and interpret the meaning of the new law. It is critical, therefore, to examine judicial understanding of the social, political, and economic meaning of the law, and more specifically, to examine their understanding of the nature of sexual violence.<p> Using a content analysis of 109 'remarks at sentencing', this study examines the impact of the 1983 reform on judicial definitions of sexual violence. The sentencing 'transcripts' are drawn from 66 sexual offence cases heard at the Court of Appeal for Saskatchewan between 1975-1988. Transcripts are analyzed for the absence or presence of references to each of 9 themes (violence, coercion, physical impact of the offence on the victim, psychological impact of the offence on the victim, breach of trust, the significance of penetration, the accused's criminal history, the role of alcohol or drug abuse, and the accused's control over his sexual drive). Each theme reflects an influential variable in judicial decision-making concerning sexual offences.<p> The results of the study indicated that since 1983,frequently and suggest that judges are attempting to reflect the 3 tier classification of sexual assault outlined in the new legislation. At the same time, however, judicial definitions of these variables continue to reflect stereotypes and myths associated with sexual violence. Judicial responses to sexual violence tend to minimize the culpability of sexual offenders and to minimize the seriousness of the offence. One of the most significant findings was that the 'sexual' element continues to dominate judicial definitions of sexual aggression rather than the 'violent' element. This emphasis implies that 'coercive' sexual acts have the same sexual character as 'consensual' sexual acts.<p> It appears, therefore, that the reform has been unsuccessful in meeting its objectives at the judicial level. However, the small change which has occurred may lay the groundwork for further change in the future.

The present dissertation deals with attitudes towards rape in early modern Sweden. The narratives from rape cases show certain similarities and differences, all of which provide a basis for a categorization. In somewhat generalized form, the documents identify a cast of six different-type characters: the unruly soldier, the despotic household head, the foul-minded hired hand, the honorable wife, the naive servant girl and the innocent under-aged girl. Reports by representatives of any one of these types, display a common view, judgmental elements often included. Views of rape between 1600 and 1800 were subject to changes of four kinds. One is, the woman is made an active subject, whose will and actions come under sharper focus in rape trials. A second type can be termed the sexualizing of the crime, where attack and assault aspects of a rape crime diminish, but purely sexual aspects increase, in importance. Amounting to a third change is growing interest in the remaining physical aspects of the rape crime. With this type as with the second type, brighter light falls on material and physical sides of the crime, while social matters and matters of honor became of less concern. A fourth change is that discussions of male authority run high at the outset of the period under study, but in time give way to talk of female qualities and morals. On the conceptual level the change can be interpreted as due to the shift which now linked violence and sexual practice directly to the individual and his/her morals, instead of as before to his/her social position in patriarchal society. On the immediate plane the actions of a single male individual were under review in a rape case, but on a larger scale the main issue was how much authority and power the male should have by virtue of the position he held. There was yet a scale where questions lurked concerning the legitimacy of the patriarchal system as a whole and of political power in any form.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Violence against women is a serious offence. Emotional and physical abuse can happen to our daughters, sisters and wives. Rape is a form of violence against women. It violates a woman's privacy, dignity and it makes her feel as if she has lost control. The criminal justice system is there to protect the citizens of a country and this protection should extend to women when they have been violated. The criminal justice system has different structures, for example the courts, medical services and police services. The staff of the criminal justice process do not have an inherent duty to care about rape survivors but they can be trained to treat survivors with consideration and sympathy to counteract the effects of the rape and secondary victimization experienced by rape survivors. It is important that there are guidelines for the staff of the criminal justice system to assist them in rape cases. This thesis explores whether women experience secondary victimisation during court proceedings. To assess whether it occurs, court transcripts were analysed with a focus placed on the background of the court case and the verdicts of the judges. Findings indicate that secondary victimisation do occur during court cases. Rape survivors feel as if they are on trial and not the rapist. Survivors furthermore believe that they will have to live with the label that they had been raped and humiliated. The thesis recommends that officials of the criminal justice process should receive extensive training, and looks at the Sexual Offences Court in Wynberg as an example of an improved system for rape survivors. It is recommended that the procedures of the Sexual Offences Court should be evaluated on a regular basis to address secondary victimisation problems that may persist. Communication is very important during the rape trial. The rape survivor has to be informed about her case and about the location of the rapist at all times. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Geweld teen vroue is 'n ernstige oortreding wat plaasvind in ons samelewing. Emosionele en fisiese geweld kan gebeur met ons dogters, vroue en susters. Hierdie vorm van geweld laat vroue voel asof hulle beheer verloor oor hulle lewens en dit het ook 'n impak op hul self respek en selfbeeld. Die Kriminele Sisteem van Suid Afrika is daar om die belange van sy inwoners te beskerm. Dit het verskillende afdelings byvoorbeeld, die mediese dienste, die polisie en die hof verrigtinge. Die lede van die Kriminele Sisteem werk met verskillende individue wat voel dat die hof die uitweg sal wees wat geregtigheid sal laat geskied. Die lede van die Kriminele Sisteem het nie 'n persoonlike verantwoordelikheid teenoor die verkragtings oorlewendes nie, maar hulle moet sensitiwiteit en empatie betoon teenoor die dames wat verkrag was. Die gedrag van die personeel speel 'n groot rol in terme van hoe die vrou wat verkrag was die aangeleentheid verwerk. Die fokus van die studie is om te kyk of vroue wel sekondêre viktimisering ervaar wanneer hulle besluit om voort te gaan met die hofsake. Hof transkripsies was gebruik om te kyk of vroue wel benadeel word. Daar was gekyk na die uitsprake van die regters sowel as die agtergrond van die hofsaak. Daar was bevind dat sekondêre viktimisering wel plaasvind gedurende die hof verrigtinge. Vroue voel asof hulle verantwoordelik is vir die verkragting wat met hulle gebeur het. Die verkragter word nie gesien as die persoon wat oortree het nie. Hierdie gevoelens van self blamering vorm deel van sekondêre viktimisering wat veroorsaak dat vroue sommige kere voel om nie verder te gaan met die hof saak nie. Die verskillende lede van die Kriminele Sisteem moet gedurig opleiding verkry wat hulle in staat sal stel om die gevoelens van die slagoffers in ag te neem. Die howe wat spesiaal opgerig is om verkragting sake te verhoor moet geevalueer word sodat dit 'n sukses kan wees. Kommunikasie moet bevorder word tussen die verskillende departemente en nie -regerings organisasies wat 'n rol speel gedurende die hof sake.