The purpose of this study was to evaluate the effectiveness of multiple exemplar training in establishing comparative relations of faster and slower as a generalized operant in children with autism. The current study employed a multiple baseline across participants to evaluate the effectiveness of the multiple exemplar training procedures. The participants used in the study were 3 children diagnosed with Autism. The baseline phase consisted of 4-trial blocks; this was done by presenting each stimulus once for AB- relation. Participants were trained comparative relations of faster and slower with one set of stimuli, and test probes were conducted with a novel, untrained set of stimuli to evaluate the degree to which participants responding generalized. This sequence was repeated for the duration of baseline. Y/Z relation remained at low levels during baseline and was only used to see if the skill generalized. The results suggest the procedures were effective for teaching comparative relations for 3 of the 3 participants. Additionally, 3 of the participants responded correctly to the test relations, supporting the use of the procedures in prompting generalized relational responding. An implication is that we can utilize these procedures to establish relational responding in children with autism.

Summary: Native policy not only engaged the minds of the New Zealanders, especially the North Islanders, during 1858, but it was also an important topic in the 1858 Session of Parliament. To gain a true idea of the importance of native policy in the Session, one must know something of native affairs and how native problems had been dealt with previously. One must also know something of the characters and personalities of men dealing with this question, and what the public thought. There was considerable tension and conflict between the Governor and his ministers in native affairs, and it is interesting to speculate whether or not matters would have been improved had the Ministers been responsible for Native policy as they were in everything else; also, whether it was possible to avert the conflict between the Pakeha and native, or whether it was the inevitable result of two races with conflicting interests living in the same country. I have not attempted to deal at all with other matters which occupied the minds both of the settlers and the General Assembly, although some of these were of primary importance - for instance, a very fierce controversy was being waged between extreme Provincialism and extreme centralism. There was also the question of where the seat of Government should be, and other matters such as the Steam Ship Service. Also, each province was naturally interested in its own local matters - the "Nelson Examinerquot; was full of the gold fields, and the quot;Wellington Independentquot; was full of party strife. Naturally, the South Island was not very concerned with the native problem, although the different newspapers consistently reported on affairs in Taranaki and the Waikato. They were also content to let the North Island take the lead in the General Assembly in matters of native policy.

The thesis focuses on analysis of the standpoints within the British government and its representatives towards Poland during the January insurrection (1863-1864) in the context of international relationships and towards representatives of the Polish nation in Poland and in exile. The thesis further describes actions that were taken by the Polish emigrants in The Great Britain and their influence on the British foreign policy and society. Key words: The January uprising, Great Britain, Poland, Polish insurrection, 19th century, British-Polish relations

This diploma thesis deals with behaviour and relationships on summer integrational camp, where children raised in family and children raised in residential care meet with each other. The aim of this thesis is to describe the difference between these groups from the viewpoint of unit counsellors (in the area of behaviour at the camp, relationship with the authority of counsellor and relationships between children) and explore mutual relationships in units, primarily ascertain the position of the children who were raised in residential care. The thesis is divided into theoretical and empirical part. In the first chapter of the theoretical part potential differences between children raised in family and children raised in residential care are analysed. The second chapter deals with summer camps and which aspects have influence on children's stay at camp. In the empirical part the qualitative research itself is presented, with the questionnaires for counsellors as the main data source. These questionnaires provide the information about observed areas regarding all the children on the camp, who are participants of the research. Mutual relationships between children and position of the children raised in residential care inside units are examined using sociometry. The information obtained about both...

Amorcée dès la mort de Staline en mars 1953, la décrispation des antagonismes Est-Ouest connaît cependant des fluctuations dans les années suivantes, jusqu'au sommet des tensions internationales que représente la crise de Cuba de l'automne 1962. Débute alors une période d'accalmie communément qualifiée de « détente ». Notre étude s’est ainsi fixée comme mission d’étudier l’influence de ce contexte international sur le monde politique français. De la fin de la crise de Cuba au voyage du général de Gaulle en Union soviétique en juin 1966, celui-Ci évolue dans sa vision de la guerre froide et révèle un « esprit » de détente plus ou moins fort. Si tous les partis et les structures non-Partisanes de l’opposition non-Communiste sont favorables à un encouragement de la détente, rares sont ceux qui appellent à baisser sa garde face à un pays qui reste le plus probable des adversaires. La notion de sécurité est centrale pour des responsables politiques aspirant à assumer les réalités du pouvoir. Afin d’avancer vers un approfondissement de la détente, tout en réglant une question allemande omniprésente, il faut continuer la construction européenne, emprunter la voie de la sécurité collective, désarmer simultanément et développer les liens avec l’Est. / Starting after Stalin’s death in March, 1953, the de-Escalation of East-West antagonism nevertheless experienced fluctuations in the ensuing years, reaching its climax of international tension with the Cuba crisis of autumn 1962. Thus began a period of respite broadly known as the “Détente”. And so our mission was established: to study the influence of this international context on the French political world. From the end of the Cuba crisis to General de Gaulle’s journey to Soviet Union in June, 1966, de Gaulle’s perception of the cold war evolves and reveals a more or less strong “spirit” of Détente. If all non-Partisan parties and organizations of the Non-Communist opposition are in favor of Détente, rare are those who call for lowering their guards when faced with a country that remains the most likely of adversaries. The issue of security is central for political officials aspiring to assume power. In order to move forward towards a strengthening of the Détente, all while addressing the issue of an omnipresent Germany, it is necessary to continue European construction, follow the path of collective security, disarm simultaneously, and develop links with the East.

二次世界大戰時，美國擊敗日本，使朝鮮半島脫離殖民統治，然而隨後的美蘇冷戰，使得朝鮮半島分裂成南北兩韓，而美國與南韓簽訂條約，成立美韓同盟(U.S.–South Korea Alliance)，成為繼日本之後，美國在亞洲的另一個戰略同盟。冷戰與後冷戰期間，美韓關係雖有波折，但不影響美韓同盟的強度。直到2000年美國小布希就任，其強硬的北韓政策與南韓金大中的陽光政策形成對比，成了美韓關係不協調的開端。而後連任的小布希延續其北韓政策，南韓繼任的盧武鉉將陽光政策擴大實施，推出和平繁榮政策，美韓兩國的北韓政策再度不同調，兩國關係持續跌宕起伏至2008年。本研究試圖以攻勢現實主義分析美國此時期的北韓政策；以新自由制度主義檢視南韓的交往政策，透過理論交鋒研究兩國利益的差異，並檢視外部因素如中國、日本、俄羅斯的影響，進而解釋此時期美韓關係不協調的原因。 / In 1945, the U.S. defeated Japan. The Korean peninsula was liberated from Japanese colonization at the end of World War II. However, the confrontation between the U.S. and the Soviet Union left two Koreas separated by the Demilitarized Zone from the Cold War to the present. In addition, based on the Mutual Defense Treaty Between the United States of America and the Republic of Korea, the U.S.–South Korea Alliance was established. During the Cold War and Post Cold War era, the U.S.-South Korea relations faced hard times, but the alliance remained strong. When George W. Bush became the president of the U.S. in the year 2000, his hardline policy toward North Korea collided with South Korea’s Sunshine Policy, which was made by the president Kim Dae-jung. These different policies toward the North caused tensions to the U.S.-South Korea relations. Then the re-elected Bush continued hardline policy against North Korea, but South Korea’s new president—Roh Moo-hyun—decided to inherit the sunshine policy and develop Peace and Prosperity Policy. Washington and Seoul still failed to reach a consensus on how to deal with Pyongyang. The U.S.-South Korea relations continued to fluctuate until 2008. This study tries to analyze the U.S. policy toward North Korea through offensive realism and examine South Korean engagement policy through neoliberal institutionalism from 2000 to 2008. Besides, this thesis also considers exogenous factors such as China, Japan, and Russia, trying to explain the inconstancy of the U.S.-South Korea relations.