A querela entre o papa e o imperador ao longo dos séculos XIII e XIV propiciou o surgimento de inúmeras teorias a respeito do poder em defesa de uma ou outra instituição. Marsílio de Pádua (1280-1343) foi um dos mais importantes pensadores a apresentar argumentos para essas discussões no século XIV. Ao denunciar os desmandos do papa e do seu Colégio de Cardeais viu-se obrigado a refugiar-se na corte do imperador Luís IV. A principal obra do paduano foi o Defensor da Paz (1324) na qual expôs elementos fundamentais para o debate em questão. Esta tese teve como objetivo discutir a doutrina política desenvolvida por Marsílio de Pádua a partir do seu próprio contexto. Para isso, foi necessário compreender seus conflitos e influências a fim de analisar os conceitos políticos apresentados em sua obra maior. Apoiado em Aristóteles, escreveu um plano prático para a intervenção política do imperador no Regnum Italicum. Marsílio adquiriu importância fundamental por sua formulação da noção de poder restrita à esfera temporal, delineando uma primeira ideia de autonomia do poder civil, dotado de atribuições específicas e independentes da esfera eclesiástica. / The quarell between the pope and the emperor during the XIII and XIV centuries has given rise to numerous theories about the power in defense of one or another institution. Marsilius of Padua (1280 1343) was one of the most important thinkers to present arguments for these discussions in the XIV century. Informing against the excesses of the pope and his Cardinal´s College, he was forced to take refuge at the court of emperor Ludwig IV. The main paduans work was the Defensor Pacis (1324) in which he exposed fundamental elements to the debate in question. This thesis aimed to discuss the political doctrine developed by Marsilius of Padua from his own context. For this, it was necessary understand their conflicts and influences in order to analyze the political concepts presented in his major work. Supported by Aristotle, he wrote a practical plan for policy intervention of the emperor at Regnum Italicum. Marsilius got fundamental importance by his formulation of the notion of power restricted to the temporal sphere, outlining a first idea of autonomy of civil power, endowed with independent and specific assignments of the ecclesiastical sphere.

A querela entre o papa e o imperador ao longo dos séculos XIII e XIV propiciou o surgimento de inúmeras teorias a respeito do poder em defesa de uma ou outra instituição. Marsílio de Pádua (1280-1343) foi um dos mais importantes pensadores a apresentar argumentos para essas discussões no século XIV. Ao denunciar os desmandos do papa e do seu Colégio de Cardeais viu-se obrigado a refugiar-se na corte do imperador Luís IV. A principal obra do paduano foi o Defensor da Paz (1324) na qual expôs elementos fundamentais para o debate em questão. Esta tese teve como objetivo discutir a doutrina política desenvolvida por Marsílio de Pádua a partir do seu próprio contexto. Para isso, foi necessário compreender seus conflitos e influências a fim de analisar os conceitos políticos apresentados em sua obra maior. Apoiado em Aristóteles, escreveu um plano prático para a intervenção política do imperador no Regnum Italicum. Marsílio adquiriu importância fundamental por sua formulação da noção de poder restrita à esfera temporal, delineando uma primeira ideia de autonomia do poder civil, dotado de atribuições específicas e independentes da esfera eclesiástica. / The quarell between the pope and the emperor during the XIII and XIV centuries has given rise to numerous theories about the power in defense of one or another institution. Marsilius of Padua (1280 1343) was one of the most important thinkers to present arguments for these discussions in the XIV century. Informing against the excesses of the pope and his Cardinal´s College, he was forced to take refuge at the court of emperor Ludwig IV. The main paduans work was the Defensor Pacis (1324) in which he exposed fundamental elements to the debate in question. This thesis aimed to discuss the political doctrine developed by Marsilius of Padua from his own context. For this, it was necessary understand their conflicts and influences in order to analyze the political concepts presented in his major work. Supported by Aristotle, he wrote a practical plan for policy intervention of the emperor at Regnum Italicum. Marsilius got fundamental importance by his formulation of the notion of power restricted to the temporal sphere, outlining a first idea of autonomy of civil power, endowed with independent and specific assignments of the ecclesiastical sphere.

L’origine des revendications de la Couronne d’Aragon sur la Corse remontent à 1297 lorsque le pape Boniface VIII, qui veut se concilier l’alliance du roi d’Aragon Jacques II, lui donne en fief le royaume de Sardaigne et de Corse, constitué pour l’occasion. Il revient au roi de transformer cette inféodation nominale en domination effective. Durant la première moitié du XIVe siècle, les Catalano-aragonais concentrent leurs efforts sur la Sardaigne mais peinent à s’imposer en Corse où la Commune de Gênes dispose déjà de points d’appui puissants. Les Corses, pris dans ce conflit entre grandes puissances méditerranéennes, ne s’engagent que prudemment pour l’un ou l’autre parti. Les seigneurs insulaires tissent d’abord des liens entre ces suzerains antagonistes, pour tenter de favoriser leurs propres seigneuries. La situation change radicalement après 1358. Les peuples de Corse mènent une vaste révolte anti-seigneuriale et obtiennent l’aide de la Commune de Gênes, qui prend le contrôle du nord de l’île devenu Terra del Comune. Rejetant cette légitimité populaire et génoise, des barons Cinarchesi du sud parviennent à reconstituer leurs seigneuries avec l’aide du roi d’Aragon, ennemi de Gênes et suzerain féodal légitime. L’alliance aragonaise change alors de nature : née d’une convention diplomatique entre puissances extérieures, elle devient un enjeu interne à la Corse. Des seigneurs corses, comme Arrigo della Rocca ou Vincentello d’Istria, s’imposent comme chefs d’un parti royal opposé à Gênes et bénéficient de l’aide de leur suzerain. Pour eux cette l’alliance est aussi un atout dans leur projet de se constituer une seigneurie unique de Corse. L’île devient le champ d’affrontement de projets politiques concurrents, par lesquels chaque protagoniste, local ou extérieur, affirme sa légitimité à gouverner. Étudier les liens qui se sont tissés, du XIIIe au XVe siècle, entre les Corses et la Couronne d’Aragon revient à associer deux grilles d’analyse : une grille méditerranéenne, qui intègre la Corse dans le vaste conflit entre Gênes et l’Aragon, avec pour objectif de comprendre la nature du projet politique de la Couronne d’Aragon en Corse, et une grille locale qui se préoccupe de la façon dont les Corses ont intégrés le fait aragonais. On peut alors appréhender les particularismes et les évolutions de la culture politique corse, autour des thèmes de la légitimité du pouvoir et sa représentation. Mes recherches s’appuient essentiellement sur le fonds de l’Archivo de la Corona de Aragón à Barcelone, encore peu exploité pour la Corse, et particulièrement sur les registres de la Cancilleria real. Les documents aragonais sont confrontés aux chroniques corses, italiennes et catalanes, ainsi qu’aux documents de l’Archivio di Stato di Genova, afin de multiplier les angles d’approche et les échelles d’analyse. / The claims of the Crown of Aragon on Corsica go back to 1297, the year Pope Boniface VIII, eager to form an alliance with King James II of Aragon, bestowed on him the opportunely-created Kingdom of Sardinia and Corsica. It was for the King to turn this theoretical allegiance into an effective domination. During the first half of the XIV Century, the Catalan-Aragonese concentrated their efforts on Sardinia but found it hard to impose their rule on Corsica, where the Commune of Genoa already had many strongholds. Corsicans, caught in the midst of this conflict opposing two great Mediterranean powers, were careful not to choose sides hastily. The lords of the island first made alliances with those rival suzerains, in an attempt to favour their own seigneuries. The situation changed radically after 1358, when the Corsican peoples rebelled against their lords and obtained the help of the Commune of Genoa, which then took the control of Northern Corsica, now “Terra del Commune”.Rejecting this popular – and Genovese- legitimacy, some “Cinarchesi” barons succeeded in reconquering their Southern seigneuries, with the help of the King of Aragon, the enemy of Genoa and lawful suzerain. This changed the very nature of the Aragonese alliance – initially meant as a diplomatic covenant between two foreign powers, it now became a major issue inside Corsican society. Corsican lords, such as Arrigo della Rocca or Vincentellod’Istria, emerged as leaders of a royalist party, opposed to Genoa and benefitting from the help of the Crown of Aragon. For them, the alliance was also an asset in their own plan to turn Corsica into one single seigneury. The island became the scene of many a clash between competitive political agendas, in which each player – both local and foreign, tried to assert its claim to rule Corsica.Studying the ties formed between Corsicans and the Crown of Aragon from the XIII Century to the XV Century amounts to analyzing the situation from two perspectives – a Mediterranean one, which comprehends Corsica in the vast conflict between Genoa and Aragon and aims to understand the nature of the political plan of the Crown of Aragon as regarded Corsica, and a local one, which focuses on the extent to which Corsicans absorbed the Aragonese reality. The latter perspective highlights the specificities and evolutions of Corsican political culture and, in particular, issues such as the legitimacy of power and its representation.My research is, for the most part, based on documents from theArchivo de la Corona de Aragón in Barcelona, so far hardly exploited as regards Corsica, and in particular on the registers of the Cancilleria Real. Aragonese sources are confronted with Corsican, Italian and Catalan chronicles, as well as with the documents from the Archivio di Stato di Genova, in order to present as many different perspectives and axes of study as possible.

Cette thèse porte sur l’étude des différentes formes de gouvernement dans les villes du Centre-Nord qui furent mises en œuvre dans l’Italie du début du XIVe siècle. La transformation institutionnelle des communes est mise en relation avec la redécouverte de l’intérêt pour l’organisation politique de l’ensemble du Centre-Nord de l’Italie, en stricte relation avec le regnum Italicum.La première partie de la thèse est consacrée à la reconstruction du voyage en Italie d’Henri VII. Toutefois, comme la politique impériale se heurta rapidement à celle des villes italiennes, il a été nécessaire d’analyser comment les communes réagirent face à cette descente et à la mise en œuvre de ce programme politique. Puis, l’étude examine les politiques adoptées par Henri VII au cours de la seconde phase de son voyage en Italie, au temps des tentatives pour réprimer les diverses révoltes qui éclatent dans les communes touchées par les réformes impériales. La deuxième partie de la thèse est dédiée à l’étude des influences du projet d’Henri VII sur les pouvoirs qui cherchèrent à redonner une vie politique au royaume d’Italie, et ce durant cette période qui se situe entre la mort d’Henri VII et la généralisation des formes de gouvernement seigneurial. L’analyse porte notamment sur les tentatives de défense des communes face à la papauté et à la monarchie angevine. Afin de tracer un parallèle avec la Romfahrt impériale, une section de la thèse a été consacrée au voyage en Italie de Jean de Bohême.En conclusion, l’ascension d’Azzone Visconti inaugure un nouveau système de gouvernement communal, en absence d’un projet de constitution d’un royaume de Lombardie. / This thesis tackles the government of central and northern Italian cities at the beginning of the fourteenth century through a perspective which until now has been overlooked by historiography. In this study, the institutional transformation of the cities will be interrelated with the renewal in the interest for the reorganization of central and northern Italy on a regional scale, in connection with the realities of the regnum italicum. Thus the discussion is developed on different planes of analysis – urban and regional – in which the intense activity exercised by royal powers on urban institutions has been used as a common thread. The first part of the thesis reconstructs Henry VII’s voyage in Italy, in order to bring to light the imperial program for the reform of the kingdom. The imperial policies did not follow a linear path, as these were soon complicated by the unavoidable confrontation with the cities. This discussion is followed by an analysis of the policies adopted by the emperor during the second phase of his voyage in Italy, when he intervened to thwart the revolts borne in opposition to his urban reforms by adjusting his lines of action both on a juridical and on an institutional level. The second part of the dissertation is aimed at finding traces of Henry VII’s project in the experimentations of other royal powers which in the two decades that followed intended to give political and administrative substance to the kingdom of Italy. It has thus been possible to continue the discussion on the civic action in defense of autonomy in connection to the Papacy and the Angevin monarchy. In addition to this, the voyage of John of Bohemia in Italy, which represented a new concrete attempt to impose a royal power over the area, has been taken under examination as a parallelism to the imperial Romfahrt. The study closes with the rise of Azzone Visconti a political experience wich ushered a new approach in the government of cities, in absence of a project for a kingdom in Lombardy.

Submitted by Caroline Xavier (caroline.xavier@pucrs.br) on 2017-10-26T17:50:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DIS_VITORIA_BERTASO_ANDREATTA_DE_CARLI_COMPLETO.pdf: 1977660 bytes, checksum: 63ddf9d7a2420396e093b638553f9342 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-26T17:50:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DIS_VITORIA_BERTASO_ANDREATTA_DE_CARLI_COMPLETO.pdf: 1977660 bytes, checksum: 63ddf9d7a2420396e093b638553f9342 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-22 / This dissertation seeks to elucidate the Ecclesiology typical of the International Ecclesiastical Catholic Regnum Christi Movement in relation to the ecclesiological model of the Vatican Council II in order to establish its reception by the Regnum Christi Movement. The structure of the dissertation is divided into three sections. The first one deals with the Ecclesiology of the Vatican Council II, having as a starting point a historical approach and the importance that it had in the life of the Church in the 20th century. The ecclesiological documents of Vatican II are studied as a point of reference, especially the Dogmatic Constitution Lumen Gentium and the Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et Spes to discover the ecclesiology of communion as the key ecclesiological conception of Vatican II. Among the themes of this Ecclesiology, we opted to approach the laity in view of the nature of Regnum Christi. The second section investigates the history, charisma, identity, mission, nature and the finality of Regnum Christi to be able to identify the ecclesiological model adopted by it; it addresses and analyses the reform process which started in 2010, as well as Borrador del Estatuto General del Regnum Christi as the most recent expression of the Ecclesiology of the Movement. The third section prioritizes Vatican II Ecclesiology in the Regnum Christi Movement from the conception of the Church as communion and in the last part, it analyses what concerns the life of the lay member, the dimension of laity in the reality of this ecclesial movement comprised primarily by lay members. It concludes by the recognition of the Regnum Christi Movement as one of the current protagonists of the Ecclesiology of communion, seeking to accomplish the primordial evangelizing mission in communion with all the Church. / Esta disserta??o busca elucidar a Eclesiologia pr?pria do Movimento eclesial Internacional cat?lico Regnum Christi em rela??o ao modelo eclesiol?gico do Vaticano II, a fim de estabelecer a recep??o do mesmo pelo Movimento Regnum Christi. A estrutura da disserta??o compreende tr?s sec??es. A primeira aborda a Eclesiogia do Conc?lo Vaticano II, tendo como ponto de partida uma aproxima??o hist?rica e sua import?ncia na vida da Igreja do s?culo XX. S?o estudados os documentos eclesiol?gicos do Vaticano II como ponto de refer?ncia, em especial a Constitui??o Dogm?tica Lumen Gentium e a Constitui??o Pastoral Gaudium et Spes, para descobrir a Eclesiologia de comunh?o como a concep??o eclesiol?gica chave do Vaticano II. Dentre os temas desta Eclesiologia optou-se por abordar o laicato em vista da natureza do Regnum Christi. A segunda se??o investiga a hist?ria, o carisma, a identidade, a miss?o, a natureza e a finalidade do Regnum Christi para chegar a identificar o modelo eclesiol?gico adotado pelo mesmo; aborda e analisa o processo de reforma iniciado em 2010, bem como o Borrador del Estatuto General del Regnum Christi como a mais recente express?o da Eclesiologia do Movimento. A terceira sec??o prioriza a Eclesiologia do Vaticano II no Movimento Regnum Christi a partir da concep??o de Igreja como comunh?o e, na ?ltima parte, analisa o que diz respeito ? vida do membro leigo, a dimens?o do laicato na realidade deste movimento eclesial composto majoritariamente por membros leigos. Conclui-se pelo reconhecimento do Movimento Regnum Christi como um dos protagonistas atuais da Eclesiologia de comunh?o, buscando realizar a miss?o evangelizadora primordial em comunh?o com toda a Igreja.

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