O estudo analisa alguns discursos da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (IURD) no sul de Moçambique e problematiza os diálogos desta igreja com aspectos de diferentes contextos religiosos e com o poder político. A inspiração teórica está nos autores que apontaram as implicações políticas de diversas práticas religiosas e dos discursos sobre feitiçaria em contextos africanos (P. Geschiere, H. G. West, e outros) e nos autores que apontaram as dificuldades para designar algo como estritamente político ou estritamente religioso (T. Asad, e outros). Neste sentido, o estudo não partiu de uma definição de religião, mas busca identificar o lugar que a religião ocupou e ocupa em Moçambique. Além da utilização de fontes secundárias, o estudo analisa alguns materiais escritos produzidos pela IURD em Moçambique, alguns programas televisivos, algumas reuniões da IURD em Moçambique, e entrevistas com líderes religiosos moçambicanos. Sem ignorar as continuidades em relação à IURD no Brasil, o estudo aponta que diversas práticas de outros contextos religiosos, principalmente tradicionais e zionistas do sul da África, criaram e criam condições para que os discursos da IURD sejam significativos no sul de Moçambique. / The study analyzes some discourses of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God (UCKG) in southern Mozambique and problematizes the dialogues of this church with aspects of different religious contexts and with political power. The theoretical inspiration lies in the authors who pointed out the political implications of various religious practices and witchcraft discourses in African contexts (P. Geschiere, H. G. West, and others) and in the authors who pointed out the difficulties to designate something as strictly political or strictly religious (T. Asad, and others). In this sense, the study did not start from a definition of religion, but seeks to identify the place that the religion occupied and occupies in Mozambique. In addition to the use of secondary sources, the study analyzes some of the written materials produced by UCKG in Mozambique, some television programs, some cults of the UCKG in Mozambique, and interviews with Mozambican religious leaders. Without ignoring the continuities in relation to the UCKG in Brazil, the study points out that several practices in other religious contexts, mainly \"traditional\" and Zionist in southern Africa, have created and created conditions for the UCKGs speeches to be significant in southern Mozambique.

Dans cette thèse je démontre comment les imaginaires de la nation serbe, de l’Occident et des valeurs universelles (démocratie, droits de l’homme et tolérance) véhiculées au sein de la revue ‘Orthodoxie’ (publiée par l’Eglise Orthodoxe Serbe) ont pour but final la préservation de la position sociale de l’Eglise et de ses intérêts en tant qu’une institution religieuse au sein de la société serbe. Cette ‘résistance’ aux changements construit des imaginaires sociaux qui nous appréhendons comme des représentations sociales et ont tendance à (re)devenir la vision dominante de la société serbe. J’étudie le discours de la revue ‘Orthodoxie’ et des acteurs qui y contribuent afin de montrer le processus des créations des imaginaires sociaux et leurs tentatives de se présenter au public et dans la sphère publique comme les courants de pensée dominants concernant la nation serbe, l’Occident et les valeurs ‘universelles’. J’ai répondu aux questions suivantes : - comment la tradition nationale « se traditionalise », la culture nationale s’idéalise et l’identité nationale se sacralise ? - comment l’imaginaire de l’Europe et de la culture européenne/occidentale (‘EUX’) se construisent en opposition à l’imaginaire de la nation serbe (‘NOUS’) ? - comment les valeurs de la démocratie, des droits de l’homme et de la tolérance sont imaginées à travers une telle construction opposée (‘EUX’ versus ‘NOUS’) ? / In this thesis I demonstrate how do the imaginaries of Serbian nation, of Occident and of ‘universal’ Values (democracy, human rights, tolerance), constructed in the journal published by the SOC serve as factors of conservation and protection of the social position of the Church, its social and political interests in the sense of national religious institution in the Serbian society. The ‘resistance’ to change allows the construction of social imaginaries that we comprehend as social representations with a tendency to become (again) or to impose them as a dominant vision of the Serbian society. I studied the discourse in the ‘Orthodoxy’ journal and the social actors that published their articles in order to demonstrate the process of the creation of social imaginaries and the tentative to present them publicly/in the public sphere as dominant currents of social thoughts on Serbian nation, Occident and ‘universal’ values. I answered to the following questions:- The way national tradition is “traditionalized”, national culture is idealized and national identity is sacralized.- How the imaginary of Europe and European/western culture (‘THEM) are constructed in an opposition to the imaginary of a Serbian nation (‘US’)?- How the values of democracy, human rights and tolerance are imagined through this opposed imaginary construction (‘US’ vs ‘THEM’)?

Scholarship on the modern history of the Middle East has undergone profound revision in the previous three decades or so. Many earlier perceptions, largely based on modernization theory, have been either contested or modified. However, the perception of the Egyptian ulama (the traditionally-educated, religious Muslim scholars) in academic scholarship remains largely affected by the legacy of hypotheses of the modernization theory. Old assumptions that the Egyptian ulama were submissive to political power and passive players incapable of accommodating, let alone of fathoming, conditions of the modern world, and who chose or were forced to retreat from this world, losing much, if not all, of their relevance and significance, still infuse the scholarly literature. Making use of materials obtained from the Egyptian National Archives, this study offers an examination of modern legal reform in Egypt from the nineteenth century through the first part of the twentieth century with the ulama and their legal institutions in mind. As the findings of this study effectively illustrate, the Egyptian ulama were by no means submissive. Rather, they were patient. Far from being passive agents of the past, the Egyptian ulama were active participants who played a critical role in the building of modern Egypt. The ulama had at their disposal sustained social and moral influence, a long-standing position as community leaders, a reputation as defenders and representatives of Islam, the power to validate or invalidate the political establishment by means of public and doctrinal legitimization, and the final authority over laws of family and personal status. Through these strengths, the ulama were able to influence the direction of change and to impact its scope and nature during transitional period that witnessed the making and remaking of modern Egypt. Considering the nature of changes that they allowed to be introduced to the shari-based justice system and the ones they resisted, as well as their stance regarding social matters, the Egyptian ulama comprehended and recognized modernity as useful. Advanced techniques had to be embraced to strengthen state institutions. However, the ulama thwarted massive and sudden adoption of modernity's cultural elements, so that Egypt would not become a chaotic country and go astray. On the weight of their position as the ultimate authority over family law, the Egyptian ulama blocked rapid social change imposed from the top. Alterations to family law and the social structure were undertaken gradually and with a great deal of delicacy. Therefore, the long-standing social order was not suddenly destroyed and replaced with a new one. Instead, changes to the long-standing social structure were allowed to evolve slowly, while the core was largely preserved. The ulama's far-reaching plan, which was realized in the long run, was to maintain Islam's position in modern Egypt as a guide and as the main source of legitimacy. As will be shown in this study, the history of the Egyptian ulama reveals not passivity, detachment, or submission but careful, and deliberate action.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:12:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eva Maria da Silva.pdf: 1164600 bytes, checksum: d085afe9ed7c354b2acfcaa9987ad0be (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-04-27 / The objective of this dissertation is the confrontation between the Society of Jesus and the centralizing politics of the Portuguese metropolis as conducted by Sebastião José de Carvalho e Melo, the Marquis of Pombal in the eighteenth century. We focus on the situation in Pernambuco, especially Recife and Olinda, without forgetting the policies of Pombal and colonial Brazil. We also want to understand the nature of the threat that the project of the Society of Jesus could represent for the interests of the king s minister as well as how to interpret the relationship of the Jesuits and the pernambucan society, specially at the moment of the expulsion of the Society. Capital transference, conflictive indian legislation, restrictive economics, excessive fiscal control and the monitoring of certain industries in the Portuguese juridical system, all have a role in Pombal s administrative project for Brazil in the eighteenth century. For this reason they all are subjects of our study. In addition, we include the evangelizing and socio-political role of Religious Orders and restrictions imposed on them. In the process of colonization, the Jesuits assumed nuanced positions. The Society of Jesus adopted values different than the those of the metropolis. The Priests acted also as fathers, brothers and friend or the colonialists. They were present in their daily lives, they cried and smiles with their coreligionists, practicing a jesuit piety to minimize the difficulties and the suffering of the colonial society. The expulsion, and later suppression of the Society of Jesus was not enough to dampen the civic memories nor the developmental role of these companions of Jesus in the luso-pernambucan community. The people of Recife and Olinda were deeply affected by the expulsion of their religious representatives. They went on hunger strikes, they denounced the poor quality of the subsequent education, and they wanted the return of their former teachers. In Recife, the people went out in the streets and shouted for the minister s removal. For them, this was the only was possible to correct the situation of the Jesuits / O fio norteador desta dissertação é o confronto entre a Companhia de Jesus e a política centralizadora da metrópole portuguesa no século XVIII, conduzida por Sebastião José de Carvalho e Melo, o Marquês de Pombal.Trabalhamos o caso de Pernambuco, mais especificamente Recife e Olinda, sem esquecer o contexto metropolitano e colonial brasileiro. Buscamos, ainda, compreender o tipo de ameaça que poderia representar o projeto da Companhia de Jesus aos interesses do Ministro de D.José I, bem como interpretar a interação entre os Jesuítas e a sociedade pernambucana, principalmente no momento da expulsão. A transferência da capital, a legislação politizadora de índios, as restrições econômicas, o fiscalismo exarcebado e o controle de certas indústrias num organismo jurídico português faziam parte do projeto administrativo de Pombal para o Brasil dos Setecentos e, por isso, integraram-se ao objeto de estudo. A tudo, incluímos também o papel evangelizador e sóciopolítico das Ordens Religiosas e as sanções a elas impostas. No decorrer do processo colonizador, os jesuítas foram assumindo posições diferenciadas. A Companhia de Jesus assimilou na colônia valores diferentes da metrópole. Os padres, além do sacerdócio, atuavam também como pais, irmãos e amigos dos colonos; estavam presentes no cotidiano, choravam e sorriam com os seus fiéis, colocando em prática a piedade jesuítica para acalentar as dificuldades e os lamentos da sociedade colonial. Em Pernambuco, os jesuítas atuaram junto à sociedade e receberam o respaldo popular. A expulsão e depois a supressão da Companhia de Jesus não foi suficiente para apagar do imaginário social o papel desempenhado pelos Soldados de Jesus na sociedade luso-pernambucana. A sociedade recifense e olindense reagiu em todos os sentidos à saída dos seus representantes religiosos. Fizeram greve de fome, denunciaram a má qualidade do ensino pós-jesuítico, pedindo a restituição dos antigos mestres. No Recife, populares foram às ruas reivindicar mudança ministerial, pois acreditavam que só assim seria possível inverter a situação a favor dos jesuítas

Post-World War II public schools in Harlem, New York were segregated, under-resourced and educationally inequitable. Addressing disparities in education was of paramount importance for the socioeconomic mobility and future of the neighborhood. In an effort to understand how race, religion, community, and education intersected in this context, this dissertation answers the following research question: How did St. Philip’s, the first Black Episcopal church in the city and one of the most historic churches in Harlem, participate in education during the post-World War II period? Responding to and preventing inequities in the neighborhood, including the substandard state of the public schools, St. Philip’s served as an educational space and organizational base for the community. St. Philip’s participation accounts for the way a Black church emerged as a space for education when the public schools were foundering. The church’s ethos of education - community engagement - reframes traditional frameworks of teaching and learning beyond schoolhouse doors. During the postwar period, St. Philip’s expanded its in-house programming for Black children, youth and adults, constructing a new community youth center, where classes, tutoring, after-school activities, college counseling, career guidance, day-care, recreation and clubs were community staples. Understanding the importance of inclusivity, continuity and consistency, programming was accessible to the entire neighborhood, regardless of membership with year-round services such as summer camp and career counseling. As an organizational base, the church hosted education talks and committee meetings, facilitating a forum for the community to engage in critical conversations about the state of education. It was a safe space for transparency and troubleshooting. Concerns about education expanded beyond conversations in the church, however. St. Philip’s corresponded directly with city governance, petitioning school-makers with recommendations and demands. This dissertation broadens the traditional civil rights narrative of Black religious activism, which has the tendency to dichotomize who participated and how they participated. This polarization includes regions: North-South, religions: Christian-Muslim, figureheads: Martin Luther King, Jr.-Malcolm X, and strategies: peaceful-militant. Historians Charles Payne and Nikhil Pal Singh push back on this oversimplified interpretation as “King-centric.”* St. Philip’s educational activism foils this paradigm as a Black Episcopal institution in a northern city. St. Philip’s brings nuance to categorizations of Black churches as either being focused on the far-reaching goal of social transformation or compliant with conservative social philosophies based on respectability politics. Its participation was both radical (such as establishing educational programming at the Community youth center that was open to members and non-members alike, regardless of class, age, political or religious beliefs) and conservative (such as sitting out of the 1964 citywide school boycott, while the majority of the Black community participated). In this way, St. Philip’s educational activism in Harlem calls into question criticisms of the Black Episcopal Church that position it as elitist and accommodationist to white values and white power, hence, apathetic to the challenges facing the Black population in cities during the post-World War II period. *Nikhil Pal Singh, Black Is a Country: Race and the Unfinished Struggle for Democracy (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2004), 6; and Charles Payne, I’ve Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 419.

Summaries in English, Sesotho and Isizulu / The doctrine and practices of ordination in the Methodist Church of Southern Africa (MCSA) were adopted from the Wesleyan Methodist Church in England when the Southern African Conference was constituted in 1882. This replication, together with the influences of colonialism and a Western epistemology, negatively impacted the ministry and mission of the church. In response to the appeals for the decolonisation and Africanisation of the denomination’s practices, aspects relating to both the doctrine and practices of ordination have been adapted from the colonial past to our southern African context. However, many elements remain Western and the food cooking in the African pot lacks the taste of authentic ingredients grown in southern African soil. The study researches whether a decolonised and Africanised model of ordination would be very different from existing understanding and practices and examines the impact that a new model would have on the MCSA. Drawing from literature and interviews with persons in leadership positions in the MCSA, the study determines those aspects of southern African culture and spirituality that would be appropriate to assimilate into the present doctrine and practices. The liturgy of the Service of Ordination forms the basis on which the contributions of southern African culture are applied to the doctrine and practices of ordination. A similar process of evaluation and assimilation follows when applying the data gained from the interviews to the doctrine and practices of ordination in the MCSA. The thesis then concludes by proposing concrete changes to both the doctrinal understanding and practice of ordination in the Methodist Church of Southern Africa. / Dithuto le ditlwaelo tsa ho hlomamiswa ha Kereke ya Methodist ya Afrika e Borwa (MCSA) di ile tsa amohelwa ho tswa Kerekeng ya Methodist ya Wesleyan ya Engelane ha Seboka sa Afrika e Borwa se thehwa ka 1882. Ho ikatisa hona, hammoho le ditshusumetso tsa bokolone le theori ya tsebo ya Bophirima, di amme tshebeletso le mosebetsi wa kereke. Ho arabela dillo bakeng sa ho tloswa ha thuto ya bokolone le Ho etsa dintho Seafrika ha ditlwaelo tsa bodumedi, dikarolo tse amanang le thuto le ditlwaelo tsa tlhomamiso ka bobedi di amohetswe ho tswa bokoloneng bo fetileng hofihlela maemong a rona a hona jwale. Leha ho le jwalo, dintho tse ngata di dutse e ntse e le tsa Bophirima, mme dijo tse ntseng di phehwa ka pitseng ya Afrika di haellwa ke tatso ya metswako e lengwang mobung wa Afrika e Borwa. Phuputso e batlisisa hore na mmotlolo o tlositsweng tsebo ya bokolone le o etsang dintho Seafrika wa tlhomamiso o ka fapana le kutlwisiso ya hona jwale le ditlwaelo le tshusumetso eo mmotlolo o motjha o ka bang le ona ho MCSA. Ho tswa ho dingodilweng le dipuisano le batho ba boemong ba boetapele ho MCSA, phuputso e lekanya dikarolo tseo tsa setso sa Afrika e Borwa le bomoya bo ka nepahalang ho utlwisisa ka botlalo thuto le ditlwaelo tsa hona jwale. Borapedi ba Tshebeletso ya Tlhomamiso bo etsa motheo oo ho ona diabo tsa setso sa Afrika e Borwa di sebediswang thutong ya tlhomamiso. Tshebetso e tshwanang ya iv tlhahlobo le kutlwisiso e phethahetseng dia latela ha ho sebediswa lesedi le fumanweng ho tswa dipuisanong ho thuto le ditlwaelo tsa tlhomamiso ho MCSA. Phuputso e phethela ka ho etsa tlhahiso ya diphetoho tse hlakileng kutlwisisong ya thuto le tlwaelong ya tlhomamiso Kerekeng ya Methodist ya Afrika e Borwa ka bobedi / Inqubo kanye nezinkambiso zokugcotshwa kwabefundisi eBandleni lamaWeseli, i-Methodist Church of Southern Africa (MCSA) kwathathelwa ebandleni i-Wesleyan Methodist Church eNgilandi ngenkathi kusungulwa i-Southern African Conference ngowe-1882. Ukwamukelwa kwenqubo leyo nezinkambiso, kanye nemithelela yenqubo yobukoloniyali, nokugxila kakhulu olwazini lwaseNtshonalanga, kwaba nomthelela omubi impela emsebenzini webandla wokuhambisa nokusabalalisa ivangeli. Njengomzamo wokusabela ezikhalazweni nezicelo zokuthi kushiywe phansi izinkambiso nezinqubo ezihlobene nenqubo yobukoloniyali futhi ebandleni kusetshenziswe izinkambiso ezisungulwe kwizwekazi lase-Afrika futhi ezihambelana kahle naleli zwekazi, sekuguqulwe izingxenye ezithile ezihlobene nenqubo kanye nezinkambiso zokugcotshwa kwabefundisi zisuswa esimweni sazo esedlule ebesihlobene nenqubo yobukoloniyali, futhi esezakhiwe ngendlela ezozwana futhi ihambelane kahle nesimo samanje esiphila kusona. Kodwa-ke, kusekuningi kakhulu okuphathelene nalezi zinkambiso okusagxile kakhulu ezinqubweni zaseNtshonalanga, futhi lokho-ke kubangela ukuthi ‘isitshulu esiphekwe ebhodweni lase-Afrika sizwakale singenakho ukunambitheka kwezithako ezilinywe emhlabathini waseNingizimu ye-Afrika’. Lolu cwaningo luzama ukuthola ukuthi inqubo yokugcoba abefundisi engalandeli izinkambiso zobukoloniyali zamazwe aseNtshonalanga futhi okuyinqubo egxile ezinkambisweni zase-Afrika ingaba nawo yini umehluko omkhulu kulokhu kuqonda okukhona njengamanje kanye nezinkambiso ezilandelwayo esikhathini samanje, futhi luzama ukubheka nomthelela ebingaba nawo inqubo entsha ebandleni i-MCSA. Ngokususela emibhalweni efundiwe kanye nezingxoxo ezibanjwe nabantu abasezikhundleni zobuholi ebandleni i-MCSA, ucwaningo luhlonza lezo zingxenye zosiko-mpilo kanye nezinkolelo ezingokomoya zaseNingizimu ye-Afrika ezingakulungela ukulunjaniswa nofakwa ngaphansi kwenqubo nezinkambiso ezilandelwa esikhathini samanje. Izinqubonkambiso kanye nemidanti yeNkonzo Yokugcotshwa Kwabefundisi kwakha isisekelo okusetshenziselwa phezu kwaso izinqubo ezithile, ezithathwe kusiko-mpilo lweNingizimu ye-Afrika, enqubweni yokugcotshwa kwabefundisi. Inqubo efanayo yokuhlola nokulumbanisa iyalandela ngenkathi kusetshenziswa idatha etholakale ezingxoxweni ezibanjwe nababambiqhaza bocwaningo mayelana nenqubo kanye nezinkambiso zokugcotshwa kwabefundisi ebandleni i-MCSA. Lo mbhalo wocwaningo uphetha ngokuthi uphakamise izinguquko eziphathekayo futhi ezinohlonze ezingenziwa kukho kokubili inqubo-kuqonda kanye nenkambiso yokugcotshwa kwabefundisi ebandleni i-Methodist Church of Southern Africa. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / PhD. (Systematic Theology)

This dissertation looks at democracy in Lebanon, a country that has a pluralistic society with many societal cleavages. The subject of this study is the consolidation of democracy in Lebanon, described by Arend Lijphart as a "consociational democracy". The research question and sub-question posed are: 1- How consolidated is democracy in Lebanon? 2- What are the challenges facing the consolidation of democracy in Lebanon? The preamble of the 1926 Lebanese Constitution declares the country to be a parliamentary democratic republic. The political regime is a democracy, but one that is not built on the rule of the majority in numbers, since the numbers do not reflect the history of the country and its distinguishing characteristics. The division of power is built on religion, which defies the concept prevailing in western democracies of the separation between church and state. As the internal and the external conditions change, sometimes in a violent manner, the democracy in the country still survives. Today, after the war that ravaged Lebanon from 1975 to 1990, the Syrian occupation that lasted until 2005, the Israeli war in the summer of 2006, and the roadblocks in the face of the overdue presidential election in 2008, democracy is still struggling to stay alive in the country. There is no denying or ignoring the challenges and the attempts against democracy in Lebanon from 1975 to the present. Even with these challenges, there are some strong elements that let democracy survive all these predicaments. The reasons and events of the 1975-1995 war are still being sorted out and only history will clear that up. Can we say today that the Consociational democracy in Lebanon is consolidated? To answer this question Linz & Stepan's three elements of a consolidated democracy are used as the criteria: the constitution of the land, people's attitude towards democracy and their behavior. The analysis examines the Lebanese Constitution, surveys about people's attitude towards democracy, and reported events about their behavior, such as political demonstrations and political violence narrated in the media. The findings of this study show that although the Lebanese find democracy as being the only game in town, the consolidation of democracy in the country still faces some challenges, both internal and external. The study also shows that the criteria used for western democracies need to be adjusted to apply to a society such as the one in Lebanon: plural, religious and traditional.

The notion that religion intensifies nationalism and escalates conflict is widely accepted. In spite of its frequent association with violence, however, religious doctrines and institutions sometimes appear to have the radical power to deescalate conflict and reroute the expression of political grievances away from bloodshed. How, and under what conditions, might religion lend itself to the mitigation of ethnic conflict? Focusing on Buddhist nationalisms in East Asia and Southeast Asia, the three papers in this dissertation study the influence of religious beliefs on political attitudes and conflict behavior at various levels of analysis. Using ethnographic approaches, case study methods, and original field data collected from nearly a hundred interviews among Tibetan subjects in India and Sinhalese monastics in Sri Lanka, these essays seek to deepen the nuances and complexity in our understanding of the relationship between Buddhism, nationalism, and violence.Paper #1 studies the relationship between Buddhism and suicide protest, focusing on the puzzle of self-immolation: Why do high-commitment protesters in some conflicts choose this method over conventional tactics of nonviolent resistance or suicide terrorism? Taking the wave of Tibetan self-immolations between 2009 and 2018 as a case study, this paper probes the causal importance of strategic considerations, structural constraints, and normative restraints that may have influenced the protesters’ choice of method. I develop a theoretical framework proposing that suicide protesters evaluate potential tactics based on three criteria: disruptive capability, operational feasibility, and ethical permissibility. Leveraging in-depth interviews and a close reading of the self-immolators’ last words, I conclude that the Buddhist clergy’s broad conception of violence, interacting with international norms, constrains the protesters’ tactical latitude by narrowing the parameters of what qualifies as nonviolent action, thereby eliminating many of the standard repertoires of contention from the movement’s arsenal while sanctioning self-immolation as a legitimate form of dissent. I argue that a fundamental paradox in the self-immolators’ theory of change, namely the tension between a tactic’s disruptive capability and ethical permissibility, ends up restricting their freedom of action. Paper #2 zooms out to examine the relationship between religion, nationalism, and violence. It starts with a broad question: How, and under what conditions, might religion lend itself to the mitigation –– or the escalation –– of ethnonational conflict? To what extent do religious ideas travel from scripture to political preferences and conflict behavior? I develop two hypotheses predicting the influence of scriptural ideas on nationalist commitment and suggestibility to violence –– devoting special attention to how a group’s conception of its own national interest might be affected when the religious identity of its members supersedes their political identity. The paper finds that the Buddhist belief in rebirth can undermine the strength of one’s nationalist commitment by injecting a dose of ambiguity into one’s conception of identity. This suggests that a religious belief such as rebirth can be mobilized to deescalate ethnonational conflict by highlighting the fluidity of ethnic identity and thus lowering the stakes of conflict. Moreover, it also finds that Mahayana Buddhism’s emphasis on altruism, while rooted in compassion toward others, can end up increasing an individual’s suggestibility to violence and therefore should not be assumed to be a pacifying force in conflict. Mahayana doctrines, though built on more inclusivist founding principles than the Theravada tradition and therefore more resistant to exclusivist ideologies like nationalism, are nevertheless susceptible to utilitarian reasoning and lend themselves readily to the justification of violence. In our interviews, Tibetan monastics, educated under a uniform Mahayana curriculum, turned out to be far more suggestible to violence than their Theravada counterparts in Sri Lanka, an observation that supports our counterintuitive hypothesis linking an altruism-oriented curriculum with suggestibility to violence. Paper #3 takes a historical case study approach to examine how Buddhist religious ideas may have, in interaction with liberal international norms, influenced the Tibetan leadership’s de-escalation politics in the Sino-Tibetan conflict. While paper #2 of this dissertation explored Buddhism’s relationship with nationalism and violence at the level of rank-and-file citizens, this paper shifts the focus from group-level preferences to elite-level decision-making. It relies on document analysis and process tracing methods to answer a particular historical question: How did the independence-seeking Tibetan nationalist leadership of the 1960s evolve into compromise-seeking pacifists in the 1980s and subsequent decades? I seek to illuminate the pathways by which religious beliefs and charismatic leadership structure, in interaction with the normative constraints of liberal internationalism, may have facilitated the Tibetan leadership’s de-escalation politics in the Sino-Tibetan conflict. To do so, I leverage counterfactual history (Belkin & Tetlock, 1996), biographical data of key leaders (Creswell, 1998), and document analysis of their speeches and writings –– including a close examination of the Dalai Lama’s annual March 10 speeches from 1960 to 2011. While the other two papers explore the multifaceted relationship between Buddhism, nationalism, and violence by studying the political attitudes and conflict behavior of ordinary people and rank-and-file monastics, this paper delves into the political and psychological evolution of two Tibetan leaders, the Dalai Lama and former Tibetan prime minister Samdhong Rinpoche, to examine the ways in which private religious beliefs can interact with global norms to guide and constrain the high-level foreign policy decision-making of political elites.

This work is concerned with healing practices that are created within a participatory framework in pastoral theology. It works in post-colonial and postapartheid times in South Africa following on from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. The thesis looks to forms of participation with both victims and perpetrators of apartheid. It seeks to challenge singular identities of victims and perpetrators, whites and blacks, which are bound up in juridical practices that are embedded within binary forms of identity. It exposes some of the problems associated with the splitting of a subject from an object of enquiry. The research concerns a journey with a group of Mothers who lost their sons and husbands to the violence of the apartheid state. It is also a journey with some of the perpetrators who were responsible for the elimination of these men. It seeks to deconstruct identity in order to find alternate descriptions of people, both the victims and perpetrators that are not constructed within a binary oppositional form. This is worked with ideas from the social construction movement particularly ideas relating to relational responsibility. The research attempts to create a safe enough context for accountability, vulnerability and healing to take place within a participatory frame of pastoral care. It works with post-modern theology and some of the philosophy of Derrida, Foucault and Levinas. / Practical Theology / D.Th.(Practical Theology with specialisation in Pastoral Therapy)

Text in English / The phenomenon of the 2007/8 post-election violence in Kenya is complex and has numerous facets. This is because of the historical and socio-political dimensions connected with it, some of which the present study has attempted to discuss. The main objective of this research is to develop a missiological model of reconciliation by understanding and addressing the underlying causes of the 2007/8 post-election violence through an interpretive and missiological reading of the 2008 report of the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights. The concepts of politics, ethnicity, human rights and violence are chosen as analytical units for this study and through an integrated approach to their interconnectedness, a more adequate framework to identify and analyze the causes of violence is created. The churches in Kenya have played ambiguous roles in the social-political arena and this study surveys these roles and suggests different missional approaches through which the churches in Kenya can participate in the mission of reconciliation. / Christian Spirituality, Church History & Missiology / M.Th. (Missiology)