Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Despite the excessive mineral wealth, the underground deposits of gold, diamonds, copper and cobalt and other valuable minerals in the Democratic Republic of the Congo which are coveted by many countries, the majority of the population is still destitute and lives in dire poverty. However the country itself prospered during the colonial period 1885-1960 and it became the second most industrialized state in Africa after South Africa (Petit & Mutambwa, 2005). Unfortunately it is now ranked among the world's poorest countries in the world. Since the Democratic Republic of the Congo gained independence in 1960 it has not experienced development that benefits the whole population. The country is experiencing continuing and pressing problems of poverty and human suffering. Thus the purpose during this study is to analyse the position of the Pentecostal Church in the Congo (30ème CPCO) concerning the situation of poverty in the city of Lubumbashi and to design a pragmatic approach that can assist the denomination to find ways to effectively address the problem of poverty. Findings reveal that the city of Lubumbashi is riddled with complex socio-economic challenges, but the 30 ème CPCO is not equipped practically or theologically to address these challenges. Poverty in the city of Lubumbashi is pervasive, it is therefore structural and historical. It comes a long way, from the slavery, to colonization, to dictatorship, neo-colonization and globalization. Sin and lovelessness have been identified as the roots causes of poverty in the DRC in the sense that sin which is the opposite of love is the driving force behind the oppressive structures that have impoverished millions of people in the DRC and around the world. Furthermore findings also disclose that the understanding of the soteriology within the Pentecostal denomination theology is problematic. Salvation is understood as being spiritual only, the physical aspect is misapprehended. In addition there is a heretical prosperity gospel in the denomination which teaches that poverty is the result of personal sin and unfaithfulness to tithing. They believe that giving large amounts of money will release blessings and prosperity. This view has skewed the denomination's approach towards the eradication of poverty. As a result the 30 ème CPCO’s involvement in poverty eradication is described as rudimentary, it is limited to sporadic assistance to the poor. Although the 30 ème CPCO station of Lubumbashi as a whole has been sporadically giving assistance to the poor, there are many factors that have restricted its ability to effectively engage in poverty eradication amongst which is poor understanding of the root causes of poverty. This in fact is influenced by the perception of poverty which is subject to features such as the mentality of the people or the level of literacy, the environment, the world view, the circumstances, the culture etc. The inability of the 30 ème CPCO to address poverty is also due to lack of enough education, poor administration, financial issues, lack of partners to help with the development and cooperation between congregations. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ten spyte van groot minerale rykdom, die ondergrondse bronne van goud, diamante, koper kobalt en ander minerale, wat deur ander lande begeer word, leef die oorgrote meerderheid van die bevolking van die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo in armoede. Tydens die koloniale tydperk (1885–1960) het die Kongo tog vooruitgegaan en die tweede mees industrieë in Afrika, na Suid-Afrika, besit. Dus was dit die doel tydens hierdie studie om die posisie van die Pinkster Kerk in die Kongo (30 ème CPCO) betreffende die armoede stiuasie in die stad Lubumbashi te bepaal en om maniere te vind waarop ’n pragmatiese benadering tot armoede gevolg kan word. Daar is bevind dat die stad Lubumbashi baie komplekse sosio-ekonomiese uitdagings in die gesig staar, maar dat die 30 ème CPCO nie bevoeg is om daardie uitdagings op ’n praktiese wyse of ’n teologiese wyse aan te spreek nie nie. Die armoede in die stad kan oral gesien word, dit is struktueel en histories. Hierdie armoede gaan ver terug, na slaverny, kolonisasie diktatorskap, neo-liberalisme en globalisasie. Sonde en liefdeloosheid word gesien as hoofoorsake van armoede in die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo in die sin dat sonde wat die teenoorgestelde van liefde is, die dryfveer is agter die onderdrukkende strukture wat miljoene mense in die DRK en elders in die wêreld in armoede gedompel het. Daar is ook bevind dat die begrip van soteriologie in die Pinkster denominasie se teologie problematies is. Net die geestelike aspek van redding is in ag geneem en die fiesiese aspek is misken. Daar is ook diegene in die denominasie wat verkeerdelik glo in die voorspoeds evangelie waarvolgens armoede die gevolg is van die persoon se eie sonde of ontrouheid wat betref die gee van tiendes. Hulle glo dat die gee van groot hoeveelhede geld sal lei tot seëninge en voorspoed. Hierdie siening het ’n effek gehad op die denominasie se houding teenoor die uitroei van armoede. Daarom is die 30 ème CPCO se betrokkenheid by die uitwissing van armoede rudimentêr. Dit is beperk tot hulp aan die armes. . Alhoewel die 30 ème CPCO stasie van Lubumbashi as geheel sporadies hulp aan die armes verleen het, is daar baie faktore wat die kerk se vermoë om effektief te wees in die uitroei van armoede, beperk het. Een daarvan is ’n begrip van die grondoorsake van armoede. Die begrip word beïnvloed deur die persepsie van armoede, en aspekte soos die mentaliteit van die mense, die graad van geletterheid, die omgewing, die siening van die wêreld, die kultuur ens. Die onvermoë van die 30 ème CPCO om armoede aan te spreek is die gevolg van ’n gebrek aan opvoeding, swak administrasie, finansiële probleme en gebrek aan vennote, asook ’n gebrek aan samewerking tussen gemeentes.

This dissertation examines the discourses of race, nation and ethnicity in late Qing and early republican China, focusing primarily on representations of the Han. It argues that the competing and changing representations of the Han in this period formed an integral part of the process of modern Chinese nation building. The empirical basis of the dissertation consists of three layers: intellectuals discourses, school textbooks and dictionaries. These layers constituted interconnected layers of discourses that were involved in the broader process of Chinese nation-building. The dissertation demonstrates that intellectuals discourses played a central role in constructing new notions of Chinese identity and the role of the Han, and thereby also in producing different templates or for Chinese nation-building during the late Qing and early republican period. After the establishment of the Chinese Republic in 1911, these modern perceptions of Chinese national identity were endorsed by the ruling elites and were gradually disseminated and popularised further by means of school textbooks and dictionaries. Taken together, the examination of discourses on the Han in these three types of sources therefore offers an account of how early Chinese nationalist ideas were produced among the elites and then disseminated among the broader population.

In 2013, the U.S. Department of State allocated nearly $45 million to the Texas Office of Refugee Resettlement to help aid with the resettlement of 6,922 refugees. Approximately 10 percent of all refugees who were brought to the U.S. that year were resettled in Texas. Austin received 716 of those refugees. For 30 years, the U.S.'s Refugee Admissions Programs has been providing aid and money to help refugees fleeing religious and political persecution resettle in the U.S. The program is a system of public-private partnership in which the U.S. Department of State hands out funds to local non-profit organizations to oversee the initial six months of the resettlement. The current program is largely underfunded and is based on a self-sufficiency model that requires refugees find a job within four months of arrival setting many refugees on a path towards poverty as they are often come from conflict zones with minimal English skills, knowledge of how the U.S. works or programs to help them use whatever skills or education they have to find better paying jobs. This paper critiques elements of the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program through the case study of one family that has recently arrived in Austin, Texas, from the Democratic Republic of the Congo. / text

This dissertation is the result of an interest in the description of al-Yaman and the Hadramawt found in medieval Arabic texts. These texts have never been translated into English to any important degree, and this research represents therefore a pioneer effort. The dissertation begins with an overview, a summary of how medieval Arabic geography began and developed through the influences of Greek, Indian, and Iranian thought to the classical period of Arabic geography and subsequently declined into an age of compilation. This is followed up by a section on the life and works of each author, how the work here translated fits into his career, and how each work relates to the knowledge and information available to that author in his contemporary learned society. The main part of the dissertation deals with the translations themselves. Selections of the important texts are presented to reveal the context of the major geographical themes described. The last major section focuses upon the major themes in the translations. The significance of what information emerges from the texts is analyzed and those elements appearing in each author's work that give it unique importance are discussed.

Consortium for International Earth Science Information Network (CIESIN) initiated a series of nine human dimensions of global change pilot projects in 1991, to better understand how physical, biological, and social scientists must interact in order to address problems of importance to decision -makers. There is also a need to develop methodologies for merging data sets which differ on spatial and temporal scales, and indeed, to ascertain whether or not data are generally available to address specific, highly complex earth and social science. Because there has been virtually no research on the use of remotely sensed data in the social sciences of global change, this is a component of each pilot project. Pilot projects need to show how the results would be transferred to decision makers. All these elements of the pilots are to be used to inform the design of the CIESIN Data and Research Center. One of the CIESIN human dimensions of global change pilot projects is situated on the north coast of the Dominican Republic in Buen Hombre.

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Darbo tikslas – atskleisti taivaniečių tautinės tapatybės formavimosi procesą bei ištirti ir palyginti trijų pastarųjų Kinijos Respublikos Taivane prezidentų politiką formuojant taivaniečių tapatybę. Per pastaruosius porą dešimtmečių Kinijos Respublikos (KR) Taivane žmonių gyvenimas stipriai pasikeitė. Ši šalis, kelis dešimtmečius save laikiusi Kinijos dalimi ir teisėtos politinės valdžios žemyne savininke, ėmė stipriai keistis ir joje ėmė formuotis taivanietiška tapatybė. Tokios tapatybės formavimosi požymių buvo galima aptikti ir ankstesniais laikais, tačiau jie niekada nebuvo tokie ryškūs ir saviti, kaip per pastaruosius porą dešimtmečių. Kinijos Respublikos Taivane valdančioji Guomindang (GMD) partija nuo pat įsitvirtinimo saloje teigė, jog egzistuoja tik viena Kinija, o Taivanas yra šios Kinijos dalis. Partijos tikslas buvo suvienyti visą Kiniją GMD partijos valdžioje. Tačiau kuo toliau, tuo labiau Kinijos Respublikos Taivane gyventojai pabrėžia, jog Taivanas nėra Kinija. Vis daugiau šios šalies gyventojų laiko save taivaniečiais, o ne kinais. Tiriant taivaniečių tautinės tapatybės formavimosi procesą bei prezidentų politiką formuojant taivanietišką tapatybę darbe buvo remiamasi aprašomuoju, istoriniu, interpretaciniu-analitiniu tyrimo metodais. / In the last couple of decades life has changed a lot for people in the Republic of China (ROC). This country experienced transformation of its government from authoritarian rule to democracy. It has also experienced emergence of new national Taiwanese consciousness. Nowadays most of people in Taiwan find themselves Taiwanese and not Chinese anymore or experience double identity. In these last couple of decades when all transitions emerged, Taiwan was ruled by three different presidents that influenced development of Taiwanese national consciousness. So this paper is analyzing influence of Taiwanese presidents in forming Taiwanese national consciousness. Goal of this paper is to explore development of the national Taiwanese consciousness and research the influence of last three Republic of China presidents in forming national Taiwanese consciousness. There are couple of tasks that needs to be done in this paper in order to reach the goal. There are going to be analysed conditions in which national Taiwanese consciousness have been forming. Highlight main events in Taiwanese history that contributed to formation of Taiwanese national consciousness. Analyse politics of last three Republic of China presidents in forming Taiwanese national consciousness and research how their position in supporting one of the four Taiwanese national consciousness types influence their country future and national security. In this paper it has been discovered that all three Republic of China... [to full text]

Cicero‘s value as a military commentator has traditionally been obscured by his reputation as an unmilitary figure. This focus ignores the considerable quantity – and quality – of references to military matters in his writings, as well as the engagement demanded by his public profile as a senior senator and advocate during the war-torn final decades of the Republic. As a participant-witness writing as events unfolded, he provides unrivalled insight into developing contemporary issues from an equally unrivalled civilian/domestic perspective. Far from precluding meaningful discussion, this perspective draws attention to the wider consequences of the activities of the army, from their symbolic representation of Rome‘s might to their impact on domestic stability and role in imperial expansion. This thesis explores Cicero‘s contribution to the militarized culture of the late Republic, bringing together his military-themed comments in the first major study of its kind. Chapter 1 sets the scene with an examination of his military service, demonstrating that it met the standards of the day and identifying characteristics of his outlook that can be linked directly to his experience. Chapter 2 investigates his engagement with Rome‘s military heritage by way of his use of military exempla, specifically the priorities indicated by his choice and description of these figures. Chapter 3 presents a similar assessment of his relationships with contemporary military figures, noting the effect of their political influence on the interest he took in their military responsibilities. Chapters 4 and 5 assess his theory concerning military matters in the domestic and foreign spheres, respectively. Both highlight the focus on ethics which sets Cicero‘s theory apart from that of his contemporaries. Finally,chapter 6 addresses the tension between civic and military values in the previous chapters, contextualizing his pro-civic bias as a reaction to military despotism rather than anti-militarism for its own sake. The analysis of these themes confirms Cicero‘s awareness of military matters as well as his contemporary authority as a commentator. It moreover highlights the historical value of his remarks as the rhetorical product of a civilian context and an alternative discourse about the relationship between the army and the state. Although his views are broadly comparable to those of contemporary authors, his coverage of associated domestic concerns is not. The end result is an account of military matters which complements conventional military histories and manuals of military science, and deserves to be taken seriously as military commentary.

By all conventional measurements of modernization and development, from communication and education to bureaucracy and urbanization, Arab societies have been undergoing an impressive transformation. There is, however, a wide gap in the Arab Middle East between such a transformation and the political consequences of modernization. In other words, the Arab Middle East exhibits a sharp contrast between its societal and political progress. In the case of Yemen, such a gap looks different from the one that exists in the rest of the region. In addition to being a country with the weakest and most limited bureaucracy in the Arab world, Yemen has, also, the lowest level of urbanization and education in the region. According to United Nations Human Development Report for the year 2004, 73.7 % of Yemen’s population are living in rural areas, and the country has a combined gross enrolment rate for primary, secondary and tertiary schools of 43%. In 2008, Yemen was rated near the bottom of the Human Development Index (HDI) by the UNDP; as number 153rd out of the 177 countries with HDI data, and it ranked as number 82 out of 108 countries in the Human Poverty Index. The United Nations Human Development Report 2006, for instance, indicates that the percentage of Yemeni population who live below National Poverty Line is 41.8%. Yet, Yemen is more democratic than most countries in the Arab Middle East. In light of this paradox, the following central question guides this research: which contextual factors are central in explaining the unique process of political modernization in tribal Yemen?

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