The thesis pinpoints the responsibility of external powers in the tragic course of the Democratic Republic of Congo, as well as their influence on the policy making its leaders, from 1997 to 2001. It points out that, given the country’s geostrategic position in the heart of Africa and its immense natural resources, foreign governments play the preeminent role in the shaping of its destiny, particularly during the abovementioned five-year period marked by the two Congo Wars. This role had been blunt in the demise of Mobutu’s 32 year-long reckless, kleptocratic regime, as a consequence of the shift, by the United States of America aiming to safeguard its hegemonic interests in Central Africa, of the strategically pivotal pawn from Zaire to Uganda in the aftermath of the end of the Cold War. Thus, craving a great influence in the continent and sponsored by multinational companies from North America, Belgium, Australia and South Africa, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, along with his ex-subordinate Rwandan Deputy President Paul Kagame, patronized in October 1996 the Alliance of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (AFDL), a Congolese rebel group led by Laurent Kabila and committed to oust Field Marshal Mobutu who bit the dust on 17 May 1997. The superseding AFDL reign will be mainly featured by the takeover of key positions of the state authority by Rwandans and Ugandans (keeping President Kabila in the thrall of his two eastern mentors), the throttling of the democratic process, the conditioning by major powers of any funding of Kinshasa’s triennial development programme to the Kabila regime’s observance of democracy, human rights and a UN investigation of the mass killing of Hutu Rwandese refugees on the DRC’s soil. That international community’s stance infuriated the Congolese leader who reconsidered all mining contracts signed with multinationals, developing anti-West discourse, promoted South-South cooperation, and expressed Rwandans and Ugandans from the Congo. The Western-backed Rwanda and Uganda bounced back by undertaking a military toppling of Laurent Kabila; but they reaped a fiasco because of three factors: intervention of Zimbabwe, Angola, Namibia, Chad and Sudan siding with Kinshasa; dissention within the Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD); and tension between Kigali and Kampala that initiated the creation of a new rebel group: the Movement for the Liberation of Congo (MLC). The stalemate brought about by this situation and the involvement of the UN, the OAU, the SADC, the US, France and Belgium compelled the warring parties to conclude the Lusaka Agreement, setting up a roadmap for the war end, the inter-Congolese dialogue, a new transitional government, and an electoral process toward the democratic rebirth in the DRC. However, the Lusaka Agreement will be implemented thanks to the rise of Major General Joseph Kabila, after the assassination of his phantasmagoric father Laurent Kabila, paving the way to the Third Republic.

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Science, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfilment of requirements for the degree of Master of Science. August 2014. / The Central African Copperbelt is located in the Lufilian Arc which straddles the border between Zambia and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Mineralisation of the cupriferous Arc is found in basal Neoproterozoic Katangan Supergroup sedimentary rocks, which in DRC are termed the Mines Series Subgroup. The Mines Series is divided into the dolomitic and carbonaceous GRAT, DStrat RSF, RSC, SD and CMN units. The composition of the units is homogeneous across the Lubumbashi district and potentially across the Katangan basin. This study focussed on the Kinsevere and Ruashi deposits in the Lubumbashi district, which are approximately 50 km apart. The study confirmed that relative eustatic sea level changes resulted in the non-deposition of the RSF and RSC stratigraphic units at Kinsevere. Sedimentation was followed by early pervasive potassic alteration and silicification at the diagenetic stage whilst a magnesian dolomitisation event resulted in alteration of potassic feldspars and recrystallisation of carbonates. Albitisation was veincontrolled and late-stage scapolitisation altered evaporitic nodules. Finally, haematisation by late iron-rich fluids circulating through the Roan Group strata resulted in oxidation of sulphides. The structural analysis of Kinsevere Central pit indicates E-W and N-S shortening whereas the Ruashi pit 1 deposit underwent NE-SW and N-S shortening. Initial shortening, associated with Kolwezian deformation (D1), resulted in the formation of NE-thrust folds and a primary set of joints. The Kolwezian deformation event (D2), reoriented the shortening direction from E-W to N-S, creating interference folds and possibly a second set of joints. The final phase in the structural evolution of the Kinsevere and Ruashi deposits was late-stage brittle deformation (faulting). Mineralisation was a multi-stage process. Disseminated chalcopyrite and carrollite were deposited from formation waters during diagenesis in a stable basin environment. Chalcopyrite, carrollite, chalcocite and bornite are predominantly located at the base of the DStrat, whereas chalcopyrite and pyrite dominate the stratigraphically higher portions of the deposits. Hypogene vein mineralisation began at the syn- to late- orogenic stage with carrollite and chalcopyrite in beddingparallel veins. Possible changes in the compression direction created the perpendicularly oriented veins that host chalcopyrite, carrollite, bornite, covellite, digenite and chalcocite. Finally a late stage of chalcopyrite and pyrite deposition occurred in and around the evaporites, indicating a strong correlation between mineralisation, evaporites and scapolitisation. iii Near-surface supergene alteration of hypogene sulphide ores, resulted in Cu-Co carbonates and oxides, such as malachite, azurite, cobaltiferous malachite, chrysocolla, kolwezite and sphaerocobaltite being deposited in vugs and pore spaces above the meteoric water line. Faulted and brecciated zones tend to have deeper supergene alteration. Between the sulphide facies at depth and the supergene oxide facies at surface is a transition zone which marks the depth to which oxidation has penetrated. Sulphur isotope analysis from the Kinsevere and Ruashi deposits suggests a sulphur contribution from a continental Red-Bed sedimentary source and from an evaporitic source.

29 number of framework was set expertly. The next step affected by author of classification is the choice of training objects. For each of the classes 5 objects were considered that cover the range of variability of natural conditions. However, their selection was also a affected by author's choice. Verification and comparison of the results of object-oriented analysis with traditional methods of pixel-based classification showed differences in the of classification methods. In the case of object- oriented analysis spectral information are evaluated for the whole object. The highly heterogeneous objects such information may be averaged out and the object is thus classified as atypical representative of a certain class. Pixel classification methods, however, assess the quality of each pixel of the raster, so that any heterogeneous objects are divided into several classes. Using the results of the supervised classification the accuracy of object-oriented classification has been confirmed, considering a few exceptions. 4.1 THEORETICAL ISSUES Serious question of developing comprehensive landscape typology is the purpose and reason for such action. Pedroli et al. (2006) points to a general demand for accurate, highly detailed and high quality representative spatial information on the status and development of...

1 Abstract CONSTITUTIONAL INSTITUTES OF PARDON AND AMNESTY This thesis deals with constitutional institutes of pardon and amnesty. The thesis aims to provide information on existing legal regulation of this area, closer explanation of the particular legal institutes, describe their historical development and show the way of their application during tenures of Czech presidents. The Introduction contains brief summary of the goals of the thesis, its structure and reasons for choice of the respective topic. The First Chapter is devoted to definition of elementary terms of pardon and amnesty and explanation of basic differences of their forms, i.e. abolition, agraciation and rehabilitation since correct understanding of these terms is crucial for understanding of the whole following text, The Second Chapter deals with historical development of the constitutional institutes in question before emergence of the independent Czech Republic. The Third Chapter contains analysis of current legal regulation in constitutional and general law. The Fourth Chapter is devoted to pardon, particularly more thorough analysis of transfer of capacity to grant pardons and procedural affairs related to granting of pardons in practice. Final part of this Chapter contains description of specific pardons granted during tenures of...

Informed consent is one of the most discussed issues of medical law. This thesis tries to contribute to the discussion through a comparative study between Czech law and Canadian law (the common law part of Canadian law), focusing on the basic components of the subject matter. The thesis is divided into six parts. The first one deals with information disclosure and consent to treatment in the paternalistic model and the participatory model of a doctor-patient relationship. The second part provides an overview of relevant Czech and Canadian legal sources and also of key milestones in the development of informed consent in both countries. The third part of the thesis discusses the concept of informed consent. The fourth part is focused on the disclosure - its content and scope, form and other related aspects. The fifth part of the thesis deals with the consent itself - its elements, the withdrawal of consent and the refusal to give consent. Finally, the sixth part deals with the specifics of minors. With regard to the basic features of informed consent, it can be clearly stated that the compared legal systems are fundamentally the same. Differences can be seen only when analysing the subject matter into very great detail and those differences are usually various technicalities (e.g. determination of...

Depuis son accession à l’indépendance en 1960, la République Centrafricaine (RCA) oscille entre périodes troubles et moments de stabilité relative, notamment sous les régimes militaires de Jean-Bedel Bokassa et d’André Kolingba. L’instabilité politique quasi-chronique de ce pays depuis la fin des années 1980 a entrainé des réponses internationales successives, sous forme de missions de paix débutées en 1997 et visant, in fine, à la reconstruction/construction étatique comme solution à la crise du politique centrafricaine. L’éclatement, en fin 2012, d’un conflit armé mené par la rébellion de la Seleka souligne cependant la faiblesse de cette entreprise internationale, qui fait fi des dynamiques politiques et sociales internes des sociétés concernées. Cette reprise violente des hostilités en RCA remet également au goût du jour la question de la rigidité du concept d’État et de sa pertinence universelle, limites des politiques internationales de « statebuiding ». La multitude d’acteurs, locaux et internationaux, qui opèrent sur le terrain centrafricain témoigne de la complexité de ce conflit et rend difficile la possibilité d’une solution durable. Le rôle premier de la Communauté Économique des États de l’Afrique Centrale (CEEAC) dans le « statebuilding » en RCA entre 2012 et 2016 est l’incarnation d’une lutte d’influence que cet acteur régional - en l’occurrence ses États membres - a remporté. La « victoire » de la CEEAC a été acquise au détriment d’une solution objective et viable à la question centrafricaine, « au profit » d’États tels que le Tchad et la France, et d’individus tels que Idriss Deby et Denis Sassou N’guesso. Ce succès de la « diplomatie de machination » est illustratif des logiques et lutte de pouvoir et de la convergence des régimes politiques dans la sous-région, ainsi que de la relation très paradoxale que la France entretient avec ses anciennes colonies. / Since its independence in 1960, the Central African Republic (CAR) has oscillated between turmoil and moments of relative stability, notably under the military regimes of Jean-Bedel Bokassa and André Kolingba. The country’s quasi chronic political instability since the end of the 1980s, has led to successive international responses in the form of peace missions starting in 1997 and ultimately aimed at statebuilding as a solution to the CAR’s crisis of the political. The outbreak of an armed conflict at the end of 2012 led by the Seleka rebellion, however, underlines the weakness of this international enterprise, which ignores the internal political and social dynamics of ‘recipient’ societies. This violent resumption of hostilities in the CAR also brings to the fore the question of the rigidity of the concept of the state and its universal relevance, as limits of international statebuilding policies. The multitude of local and international actors operating in the CAR is indicative of the complexity of this conflict and renders the possibility of a lasting solution difficult. The primary role of the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) in the statebuilding in CAR between 2012 and 2016 is a manifestation of the struggle for influence that this regional actor - in this case its member states - won. The ‘victory’ of ECCAS was gained at the expense of an objective and viable solution to the Central African question, ‘for the benefit’ of states such as Chad and France, and individuals such as Idriss Deby and Denis Sassou Nguesso. The success of this ‘diplomacy of conspiracy’ is illustrative of power dynamics and power struggle and the convergence of political regimes in the subregion, as well as the very paradoxical relationship that France has with its former colonies.

Esta dissertação aborda o tema do Florianismo, isto é o fenômeno político-militar brasileiro que girou em torno da figura do Marechal Floriano Peixoto. Este fenômeno durou de 1891 a 1897, e abarcou o governo presidencial de Floriano (1891-1894) e a ação política contemporânea e posterior de seus seguidores. Nosso objetivo é analisar o papel do Florianismo na implantação da ordem republicana que vigorou até 1930, ordem dominada pelos republicanos paulistas e seus aliados. / The present dissertation tackles the subject of Florianism, the brazilian political-military phenomenom which grew around the figure of Marshall Floriano Peixoto. This phenomenon took place between 1891 and 1897, and comprised Floriano’s presidential government (1891-1894) as well as the contemporary and subsequent political action of his followers. Our objective is to analyse the role of Florianism in the establishment of the republican order which lasted until 1930, an order ruled by São Paulo’s republicans and their allies.

O objetivo deste trabalho pode ser resumido na tarefa de expor a análise que Platão faz da μονσικη nos Livros II e III da República, demonstrando o papel central que desempenha na educação dos jovens e, por conseguinte, na constituição da πολιτειι , quais seus objetivos, e de que modo serve à relativização dos argumentos dirigidos contra a poesia no Livro X. / The aim of this work may be reduced to the task of presenting Platos analysis of μονσικη in Republic II and III, demonstrating the central role it plays on the education of the young and thus, on the constitution of the πολιτειι , which are its objectives, and how it can mitigate Books X claims against poetry

O presente trabalho versa sobre a recepção do pensamento político de Maquiavel pela chamada Escola de Cambridge, notadamente seus membros mais proeminentes: Quentin Skinner e John Pocock. Proponho examinar desde (i) a rica contribuição de Pocock e Skinner para uma metodologia da história intelectual (que é o que precisamente conforma a Escola), passando por (ii) suas interpretações de Maquiavel como um autor fundamentalmente republicano, e chegando até mesmo a (iii) uma filosofia política normativa despontada daqueles dois primeiros movimentos e com eles entremeada. A tese principal do trabalho é que uma noção de contingência (a anterioridade do particular sobre o universal, do criado sobre o espontâneo, do artificial sobre o natural, enfim, do contingente sobre o necessário) perpassaria e pautaria esses três estágios de seus comentários. Para elucidá-lo, procuro esquadrinhar como isso funciona estruturalmente entre os três diferentes momentos e também no diálogo estabelecido entre os dois intérpretes, a fim de evidenciar seus afastamentos e convergências. Por fim, investigo os limites e forças de ambas as posições teóricas quando do contato com críticas externas à dita Escola; sempre contando com a própria noção de contingência como critério de avaliação. Avaliações essas que me levam a concluir, especificamente no que tange aos segundo e terceiro movimentos das interpretações aqui tematizadas e essa é a tese secundária do trabalho , por uma espécie de vantagem teórica da interpretação de Skinner com relação à de Pocock. / This study discusses the reception of Machiavelli\'s political thought by the Cambridge School, more specifically its most prominent members, Quentin Skinner and John Pocock. I explore the question from three different instances or moments: (i) Pocock and Skinner\'s rich contribution to a methodology of intellectual history (precisely what conforms the \"School\"), (ii) their interpretations of Machiavelli as essentially a republican author, and (iii) the latter establishment of a normative political philosophy that is a result and a fundamental component of the above mentioned. My main thesis is that the notion of contingency (the priority of the particular over the universal, of the created over the spontaneous, of the artificial over the natural, of the contingent over the necessary) permeated and guided these three steps of their analysis. To shed light on the matter, I examine how this applies structurally in the three different moments and also in the dialog established between the two interpreters, seeking to evidence the similarities and differences in their positions. Finally, I explore the limitations and strengths of both theoretical positions while in contact with external criticism, always relying on the notion of contingency as an evaluation criteria. As a result, I suggest that, when talking specifically about the second and third moments here discussed and this is my secondary thesis Skinner\'s theories are in a privileged position when compared to those of Pocock.

O presente trabalho tem por objeto de estudo os usos do conceito de eleuthería na República de Platão. Tem-se por ponto de partida uma gama de conceitos relativos à noção de liberdade na antiguidade, propondo-se a analisar o diálogo segundo duas concepções antagônicas de eleuthería. A primeira delas é a mais comum na abordagem dos diálogos platônicos, trata-se da ideia de fazer o que se quer e esse sentido é encontrado, sobretudo, no exame da forma de governo democrática e do homem que corresponde a esse regime político. Para uma compreensão adequada desse sentido, propõe-se que se entenda o que está em jogo quando se tece uma crítica ao regime democrático. Esse sentido é tido como essencialmente negativo, pois traz consequências indesejáveis dentro do contexto em que é apresentado. Supõe-se que haja um outro sentido de eleuthería presente no diálogo, o qual não é tratado sistematicamente e que é apenas sugerido nas entrelinhas da mais bela cidade, a kallípolis. Diante da necessidade de mostrar que esse sentido pode integrar a economia da obra, parte-se de indícios textuais nos quais a liberdade não está associada à forma de governo democrática para mostrar que a caracterização de uma liberdade positiva parece ser possível. Esse sentido positivo estaria associado a um certo ideal de excelência. Por fim, sugere-se que de acordo com esse sentido positivo a expressão fazer o que se quer possa ser interpretada de uma forma completamente diversa da encontrada no contexto democrático. / The present work has as object of study the uses of the concept of eleuthería in Plato\'s Republic. As starting point we have a wide range of concepts related to the notion of freedom in antiquity, it is proposed the analysis of the dialogue according to two antagonical concepts of eleuthería. The first is the most common in Plato\'s dialogues, it is the idea of \"to do whatever one wants\" and this meaning is found, above all, when examining the democratic government and the corresponding man to this political regime. For an adequate comprehension of this meaning, it is proposed the understanding of what is at stake when a critique of the democratic regime is made. This meaning is held essentially as negative because it brings undesirable consequences in the context in which it is presented. It is supposed that there is other meaning of eleuthería present in the dialogue which is not sistematically addressed and is only suggested between the lines of the most beautiful city, the kallípolis. Facing the necessity of showing that this meaning can integrate the economy of the work, starting from textual indications in which freedom is not associated to the democratic way of government to show that the characterization of a positive freedom seems possible. This positive meaning could be associated to a certain ideal of excellency. In the end it is suggested that, according to this meaning the expression \"to do whatever one wants\" could be interpreted in a completely diverse way of the meaning found in the democratic context.