This study examines the influence of Rome’s diplomatic management in channels apart from official ones and open contacts among states, on her expansion and Republic from the 200s to 133 BCE. In this thesis such involvement in foreign affairs is called informal diplomacy. This terminology was not used by the Romans directly but is useful in showing the following. In the period of Rome’s advance into the Greek world, she approached not only foreign states but also individuals, while individual Romans also increasingly participated in such contacts independently. These acts sometimes took place openly and/or while using formal diplomatic exchanges and sometimes informally and secretly. The aim of the Romans concerned was to win over the people approached and their fellow citizens, and international public opinion, and these approaches were developed in parallel to official negotiations among states. This diplomacy enabled Rome to manage foreign affairs flexibly and contributed to her increasing the dependence of foreign states and individuals on her, in particular those in the Greek world. This thesis also argues that informal diplomacy caused struggles among the Romans symbolised by the violence that occurred in the tribunate of Ti. Sempronius Gracchus. This situation originated from the ill-defined relationship between informal diplomacy, legality, and the collective leadership of the senators. As informal diplomacy became more common among the Romans, the users individually rose among the leading Romans. This tendency undermined the dignity of the Senate, but this organ had no method to control it. Consideration of legitimacy of using informal diplomacy had been tacitly avoided by the Romans because of its ad hoc utility, and the Senate had not necessarily been the sole decision-maker in the Republic. Its leadership could be legitimately denied by the users of informal diplomacy if they had some authority and were supported by the people in and beyond Rome. All the Senate could do in order to maintain its dignity was to attempt to control them with political tactics and violence. This was a foretaste of the conflict that was to occur in the final century of the Republic. Through demonstrating these advantages and disadvantages of informal diplomacy to Rome, I show this diplomatic concept is a valuable and fruitful one to employ in the study of Rome during the period of remarkable expansion and afterwards.

L’idée d’un « spirituel républicain » est, en France, plus intuitivement sentie que rationnellement conçue. Si le syntagme dénote quelque densité conceptuelle, historiens et philosophes s’accordent d’ordinaire à la chercher dans les doctrines politiques et sociales de la IIIème République – celles du solidarisme, de la laïcité ou des lois sur l’éducation. Ce travail voudrait montrer que le spirituel républicain est irréductible à un supplément d’âme, comme à toute forme de caution morale destinée à pallier les derniers scrupules d’une politique désenchantée. En ce sens, sa généalogie demande à être singulièrement élargie à l’aval. Elle trouve son origine dans le sillage de la Révolution Française, où 1789 commande tout autant une interprétation politique qu’une reconfiguration anthropologique de la croyance. Le point commun des auteurs mobilisés ici (Joseph de Maistre, Auguste Comte, Jules Michelet, Alexis de Tocqueville, Émile Durkheim) est en effet d’assumer une position symétriquement opposée à la nôtre. Partant du principe que la question spirituelle est la seule qui n’ait pas été réglée, ils s’efforcent d’interroger le statut, problématique dans les démocraties modernes, d’un gouvernement des esprits. C’est donc en partant de ce qui, au sein de ce corpus, est réputé le plus anachronique – soit la rémanence du religieux au cœur d’un siècle censément scientifique – que la notion de spirituel républicain trouve à se constituer. Guettée par le risque d’un syncrétisme philanthropique inchoatif, comme par la confrontation à trois des idéologies majeures du XIXème siècle (traditionalisme, libéralisme, socialisme), cette tradition intellectuelle ne conserve son identité qu’en justifiant son qualificatif de républicain. / The idea of the spiritual as it relates to republicanism – the “republican spiritual” – is, in France, more intuitively felt than it is rationally conceived. While the phrase carries a certain conceptual density, historians and philosophers normally agree that this idea is to be sought in the political and social doctrines of the Third Republic – for example, in the doctrines of solidarity and secularism and in the laws on education. This work shows that the “republican spiritual” cannot be reduced to a touch of soul, or to any form of moral guarantee intended to overcome the last scrupules of a disenchanted politics. In this way, its genealogy needs to be particularly enlarged. It has its origin in the wake of the French Revolution, as the events of 1789 required both a political interpretation of belief as well as its anthropological reconfiguration. The common point among the authors studied here (Joseph de Maistre, Auguste Comte, Jules Michelet, Alexis de Tocqueville, Émile Durkheim) is that the position they took on this issue is diametrically opposed to ours today. These authors, starting from the standpoint that the spiritual question is the only one that has not been resolved, struggle to understand the status – problematic in modern democracy – of a spiritual regime. It is thus within the most anachronistic elements of the body of work studied here – that is, the endurance of the religious in a supposedly scientific century – that the notion of the “republican spiritual” finds its origin. At risk of a formless philanthropic syncretism, menaced by its confrontation with three of the main ideologies of the 19th century (traditionalism, liberalism, and socialism), this intellectual tradition only preserves its identity by justifying its qualification as republican.

This thesis examines the intellectual context of the first international congress of comparative law held in Paris, at the occasion of the 1900 World Fair. In particular, it articulates some of the unstated assumptions that made it possible for the conversation of this congress to unfold as it did. Using methods of conceptual history and discursive analysis, the author shows how this constitutive conversation for the discipline of comparative law drew from many discourses including conversations about the prestige of French legal science, claims to disciplinarity and the corresponding search for a scientific method, the desire to master the processes of legal unification arising from international trade, a concern with ensuring the place of France in the hierarchy of nations in a period of national malaise, and a mission befalling France to civilize the rest of the world. In showing how these different conversations shaped the discourse of the first congress of comparative law, the thesis outlines the ways in which they also participated in (re)shaping deeply entrenched conceptions of legal knowledge and legal scholarship. / Graduate

153f. / Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-04-22T16:34:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Joao Novaesseg.pdf: 3799766 bytes, checksum: cfb74e0a5aeacf0901415a767f302803 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Meirelles(rodrigomei@ufba.br) on 2013-05-24T11:44:46Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Joao Novaesseg.pdf: 3799766 bytes, checksum: cfb74e0a5aeacf0901415a767f302803 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-24T11:44:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Joao Novaesseg.pdf: 3799766 bytes, checksum: cfb74e0a5aeacf0901415a767f302803 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / O presente trabalho se insere na discussão do sistema coronelista vigente durante a Primeira República (1889/1930). Tal sistema fundamentou as suas práticas em uma rede complexa de compromissos firmados entre a esfera pública e a privada, a envolver desde a parentela do coronel até o Presidente da República. Considerando a possibilidade de haverem especificidades nesse sistema, este trabalho analisa as estratégias adotadas pelo Coronel Marcionillo Antônio de Souza para tornar-se chefe político do município de Maracás e região e, para isso, busca identificar e compreender os conflitos estabelecidos entre seu grupo, denominado de Rabudos, e o que lhe fazia oposição, os Mocós, bem como a significativa participação do Coronel no movimento que ficou conhecido pela historiografia como Levante Sertanejo (1919/1920). O recorte temporal privilegiado por este trabalho abrange o período que vai de 1915 a 1930 e a sua delimitação espacial circunscreve a atual Região Centro-Sul e as suas fronteiras com a Chapada Diamantina e com o Sul do Estado da Bahia, áreas que conviviam com a influência direta do Coronel Marcionillo Souza. / Salvador

The community development issue faced by the Christian mission in Central African Republic was the topic of this work. Due to multiple insecurity and political instability causes, it has created many negatives effects, especially on the poor population and Christian Churches. Ideally, the Christian mission through the Ngoubagara Baptist Church when faced with Central African Republic tragic and successive socio-politic wars should have been to promote community development, peace, social justice, education for all, good health, national reconciliation, respect for human rights and to denounce all harm and discrimination against the human being. The church has a sacred mission to announce the gospel to all humanity and to assist the people towards the positive transformation of Central African Republic. This study will be of help to missiological scholars and to the church so that it may better carry out its prophetic and holistic missions according to God’s vision and with the purpose to change the Central African society. In fact, Christian church as well as Ngoubagara Baptist Church can be the voice of millions of voiceless people regarding poverty, joblessness, rebel wars and rethink community development issues. Through its missionary work, can be the main factor in transforming Central African Republic society, because, the church should “face the difficulties of the present time, not with ready-made answers or simplistic, over-simplifying ideologies, but with a realistic attitude and with discernment. This is the church’s duty of scrutinizing the signs of the times and of interpreting them in the light of the Gospel” (Czerny 2012:70). The church mission is supposed to be a continuation of Jesus Christ’s ministry, which is total salvation. However, human being development is a church work matter, in touching body, soul and spirit. The Ngoubagara Baptist Church’s prophetic and holistic mission duty should be the life and dignity of the Central African people. Then, missiology can promote community development where Christians can play an important leadership role. The lack of such leadership affects individuals and communities negatively. The church should be present in the world and guide the people. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D. Th. (Missiology)

The theme of thesis is to define the living costs of person with the spinal cord injury in the cervical spine - tetraplegics. Tetraplegics are specific group of people with injury. Partial goal is to find out, whether state contributes and compensates health handicap of citizens enough. Thesis describes spends needed on one side and possibilities of state contributions on the other side. First part of theoretical part clarifies handicap of spinal cord injury and associated complications. It describes necessary compensational and medical equipment including process of its aquirement. Second part of theoretical part is based on Czech legislation and analyzes savings, advantages and contributions provided by social system of Czech Republic for disabled people. Practical part evaluates survey as a background for final conclusion of economic situation of tetraplegics. Key words tetraplegia, healthcare system, Czech Republic

Formation of the Constitution of the Czech Republic Abstract The thesis deals with the issue of formation of the Constitution of the Czech Republic. This process has not been sufficiently described yet, as the sources are limited and fragmented. Therefore, the aim of this work is to map the whole process of the formation of the Constitution following the interviews with important personalities of that time. The intention is to provide readers with an insight into this issue and to deal with some partial questions arising in connection with this process. One such issue is, for example, the question of the legality and legitimacy of the formation of the Constitution which raises the debate even with a considerable lag from its adoption, as well as some constitutional institutes which were discussed extensively during the process of formation of the Constitution and which were often results of compromises of the subjects involved in the process. It is precisely a compromise solution of a number of sub-questions that is typical for the formation of the Constitution, as well as the randomness and specificity that lined its formation. These include, for example, the entities involved in the process of the formation of the Constitution which included not only two official commissions but also some notable...

My work explores protracted conflict in DR Congo representationally, considering ways in which conflict is thematized in Western media around sexual violence. I use content and text mining to think through the role of framing in media, and conduct discourse analysis tracing how rape in the context of war has become instrumentalized by Western media to make sense of and justify interventions in the conflict in DR Congo. Specifically I examine forty-two articles published in diverse sources containing the phrase "rape capital of the world" to uncover links between violence, gender, and power. This thesis is generally situated within a postmodern feminist critique of overemphasis on rape and sexual violence as a universal narrative about women’s lives. My policy recommendation is stop implementing laws singling out rape in the context of war as a unique assault, because they enforce female vulnerability and injurability by representing women as victims/pre-victims of SGBV.

One of the concerns of the modern Christian church and dissident groups is to ensure that the Church's fundamental doctrines, leadership, women's ministries and religious practices conform with the early apostolic church teachings. In this study the writer offers a comprehensive and detailed evaluation of the modern church in the light of the early church. The case of the modern Seventhday Adventist (SDA) Church in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and worldwide is examined and compared, basing its survey on numerous published and unpublished documents from a combined use of primary, secondary materials and individual statements. Setting the early history of the SDA Church within the religious context of nineteenth-century America, the writer describes how SDA doctrines, leadership, women's ministries and religious practices link with those beliefs and practices in the early apostolic church, showing whether the SDA Church has departed from the early apostolic church’s Biblical, timeless principles or not. Several pertinent issues however have stirred up as much controversy in recent years within the Adventist dissident groups as that of the women’s ministries in the church, the righteousness by faith doctrine, the monarchical leadership, and various religious practices. Nevertheless, in the light of the early apostolic teaching, some enlightenment has been achieved, and several critical accusations from dissident groups were illuminated and confirmed.The accusation regarding the deterioration of Biblical doctrines appears not to have been confirmed by the Biblical evaluation and the lifestyle of the SDA believers. Rather, concerning this issue, it is confirmed that in the DRC and worldwide, the SDA Church has not departed from the fundamental doctrines of the early Apostolic church. / Thesis (D. TH. (Church History))

[pt] A dissertação analisa, no período de formação do Império do Brasil como corpo político autônomo, em meados de 1821 a 1825, o caráter polissêmico da linguagem política e a disputa em torno desses significados. O foco do estudo encontra-se no projeto político do carmelita Frei Joaquim do Amor Divino Rabelo Caneca, sinalizando a crítica feita pelo autor ao Imperador e à Corte, sua interlocução junto aos federalistas pernambucanos, e, ainda, a singularidade referente aos seus questionamentos e seu horizonte de expectativas. A partir dos principais escritos políticos de Frei Caneca são recuperados, primeiramente, as experiências que influenciaram o pensamento do autor, suas redes de sociabilidade e a influência de sua formação. Em um segundo momento, a dissertação volta-se para o olhar de Frei Caneca para os debates constitucionalistas, travados na província pernambucana e os conflitos políticos traçados pelo carmelita ao defender princípios envoltos nos conceitos de: Estado, Nação, Pátria e Cidadão. Por fim, analisa-se a aproximação entre o conceito de liberdade de Frei Caneca e a concepção do conceito feita pelos humanistas renascentistas. / [en] The essay analyzes, the period of formation of Brazil´s Empire as an autonomous politic party, during 1821 to 1825, the diversified character of the politics language and the dispute about their meanings. The focus of the study is in the politic project of the carmelita Frei Joaquim do Amor Divino Rabelo Caneca, signalizing the critics made by the author to the Emperor and the Court, his communication toward the federalists pernambucanos and also the singularity referring to his questionings and his horizon of expectations. From the main political writings of Frei Caneca are recouped, first, the experiences that influenciated the thoughts of the author, his nets of sociability and the influence of his formation At a second moment the essay turns to Frei Caneca´s thoughts toward the constitutionalists debates, occurred in the pernambucana province and the politic conflicts traced by the Carmelita when defending principles in regard of the concepts of: State, Nation, Native, land and Citizen Finally, I analyze the approach between the concepts of freedom of Frei Caneca and the conception made for the humanists of renaissance.