This thesis demonstrates that the discursive strategies that characterise the political struggle of the Zapatista (EZLN) movement are produced in response to the political and economic realities of Mexico and the southeastern state of Chiapas. The EZLN�s intentionally ambiguous discourse of dignity epitomises these strategies. By deploying various incarnations of dignity to counter the Mexican Government�s strategic political manoeuvres, the EZLN destabilises the political, economic and social hegemonies of the nation. This destabilisation creates a space for the EZLN to suggest the possibility of an alternative political logic to the Mexican populace. However, the marginalised social location and ethnic diversity of the movement�s indigenous constituents impedes their ability to effect significant political change. This impediment is overcome when they coalesce around the politically advantageous subjectivity of indigenous Zapatistas and engage with the mestizo Subcomandante Marcos to produce the EZLN. The movement enacts a progressive coalitional politics that articulates radical political alternatives for Mexico through the strategic practice of translation. Thus, translation is posited as a powerful political practice for marginalised groups engaged in resistance struggles in the contemporary global conditions.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T18:55:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Diana Ramirez.pdf: 3669099 bytes, checksum: 459a1177bbabf2c21215dd2cadcebf1f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Reflection on the left parties and the unions in Colombia and their conditions and concrete possibilities of contributing to the emancipatory process in that country; thought in their specificity in the period 2002-2010, under the government of Álvaro Uribe Veléz (2002 -2010), but in reference with the resistance struggles and the left governments' election in Latin America. Under the guidance of the historical and dialectical materialism method, it was made the study of primary sources such as: the program of the Polo Democrático Alternativo that incorporates the proposals of the Colombian Communist Party; statutes of the General Confederation of Workers and of the Unitary Central of Workers; accusations and protests presented through the press. It is analyzed the relation of the subject with the armed insurgency and the social struggles that took place in Colombia during this period. It is concluded that there was an unity of the social struggles with the worker s unions and the Polo Democrático Alternativo to create a force of a concrete opposition against the government; that, moreover, in the perspective of the emancipation, it points for the need of overcoming the political polarization and the internal armed conflict, besides of contributing to strengthen the unity of the broader social base articulated with left-wing governments in Latin America. / Reflexão sobre os partidos de esquerda e os sindicatos na Colômbia, em suas condições e possibilidades concretas de contribuir no processo emancipatório nesse país; pensado em sua especificidade no período 2002-2010, sob o governo de Álvaro Uribe Veléz (2002-2010), mas em relação com as lutas de resistência e a eleição de governos de esquerda na América Latina. Sob a orientação do método do materialismo histórico e dialético, fez-se estudo de fontes primárias como: programa do Polo Democrático Alternativo que incorpora as propostas do Partido Comunista Colombiano; estatutos da Confederação Geral de Trabalhadores e da Central Unitária de Trabalhadores; das denúncias e protestos apresentados através da imprensa. Analisou-se a relação dos sujeitos da pesquisa com a insurgência armada e as lutas sociais que ocorreram na Colômbia nesse período. Conclui-se que houve uma unidade das lutas sociais com as centrais operárias e o Polo Democrático Alternativo para criar uma força de oposição concreta frente ao governo; que, ademais, na perspectiva da emancipação, aponta para a necessidade de superar a polarização política e o conflito armado interno, além de contribuir para o fortalecimento da base social mais ampla articulada com os governos de esquerda na América Latina.