After the American Revolution a number of Loyalists, those colonial Americans who remained loyal to England during the War for Independence, did not relocate to the other dominions of the British Empire. Instead, they sought to return to their homes and restart their lives. Despite fierce opposition to their return from all across the Confederation, their attempts to become part of a newly independent America were generally successful. Thus, after several years of struggle most former Loyalists who wanted to return were able to do so. Various studies have concentrated on the wartime activities of Loyalists, but few have examined their post-war return to America. This dissertation corrects this oversight by tracing the process of the reintegration of the Loyalists. It analyzes this development from a primarily American perspective, although former Loyalists are consistent members of the story. The work considers the emotional significance families and friends played in affecting the desire to return. On the American reception of their former enemies, this work explains that the nascent idea of federalism required the process to occur on a state-by-state basis. Also important to Loyalist assimilation was a critical shift from the republican ideological belief in the necessary of virtue to the survival of the community to a growing awareness, tolerance, and respect for individual rights, for those who held views perhaps inimical to the polity. Critical to the process of reintegration was a jurisprudential transformation from an older, English common law understanding of the law to a more modern view that law is commanded by a sovereign. It is my contention that popular sovereignty drove this transformation and allowed for the wartime legal persecution of the Loyalists, but in order for former Loyalists to peacefully co-exist, popular sovereignty had to be reined in by the very same and new legal ideology that it had helped develop. Finally, the process of reintegration required Americans to permit citizenship to their former traitors. Thus, the dissertation closes by showing the procedure former English subjects underwent to renounce their allegiance to England and become republican citizens.

The study of southern evangelicals during the late colonial and revolutionary eras of American history has focused primarily on the social antagonisms that separated evangelicals from southern elites and has concluded that the rapid growth of post-war evangelicalism came as a result of evangelical acquiescence to southern gentry mores. Most study of southern evangelicals has concentrated on the upper South missing important developments in the Deep South which contradict historical assumptions of Separate triumph and the subsequent subversion of radical evangelicalism by evangelical leaders eager for societal acceptance. Evangelicals were not a monolithic movement. Key doctrines, primarily the need for conversion, united them, but the social range of evangelical groups included outcast Separate Baptists to elite members of Charleston and Savannah society. Because evangelicals have been viewed as outside the mainstream of southern society, evangelical contributions to the revolutionary cause have gone mostly unnoticed. This work seeks to illuminate the contributions of evangelicals to the American Revolution by examining the roles of evangelicals in the Imperial Crisis and in the war itself. Evangelical leaders were strong proponents of American rights. Far from being outcasts, many evangelicals enjoyed positions of prominence in southern society and several served in the governments of South Carolina and Georgia. Almost all evangelicals in this region supported the American cause and were viewed by many elite revolutionaries as indispensable to solidifying the unity necessary to fight Great Britain. Evangelicals and Anglican elites worked together to cement support for provincial government and bring about the disestablishment of the Anglican Church. Evangelicals also served an important role in winning the American Revolution in the South. Evangelicals, particularly New Light Presbyterians and Regular Baptists, formed a major portion of the militia that rose to bedevil Lord Cornwallis‟s attempts to implement British strategic goals. His failure in South Carolina led to his ultimate downfall at Yorktown. In the final chapter, this work examines the proud, if divided, republicanism of southern evangelicals, highlights their political activity, and explores the beginning of the evangelical ascent to religious dominance in the Deep South.

<p>Abstract: The aim of this study is to investigate the attitudes towards the labour movement’s strategies, goals and organisational issues in Swedish Miners’ Union’s (Gruvindustriarbetareförbundet, hereafter Gruv) paper, Gruvarbetaren 1917-1925.</p><p>The theoretical starting point is Engels’ view on the class state. This perspective turns the question of socialism and the way to get there into an issue of working class power over the state. Another theoretical perspective is the partition of the labour movement into a trade-unionistic branch, seeing unions as financial organisations of interest, and a pro-state one, considering unions as political organisations.</p><p>During the period investigated Gruvarbetaren was quite radical and advocated a firm class struggle strategy towards employers. Since these were considered unreliable, class struggle was seen as the only way to better the conditions for the working class. The solution to the workers’ problems was by the paper considered to be socialism. In accordance with Engels’ view the working class would have to attain power over the state in order to reach that goal due to the class oppressive nature of the capitalist state. This power should preferably be conquered by way of revolution where the capitalist state was remodelled into a socialist one rather than through reforms. In this process the trade unions should take an active, political, part according to the paper and thus it can be placed in the pro-state branch of the labour movement. Especially during the years around 1920 it was clear that Gruvarbetaren wanted unions to develop into revolutionary organisations.</p>

Miguel Alemán, who in 1946 became the first civilian president to represent Mexico's official revolutionary party, ushered into national office a new generation of university-educated professional politicians. Nicknamed the "cachorros (puppies) of the revolution," these leaders were dismissed as slick college boys by their opponents. Despite this objection, the rise to power of this new cadre represented a major turning point in the nation's political history. The prior ruling generation, composed of military officers who had faced calamitous violence during the Revolution, had carried out a decades-long social program that sought to address social-economic inequalities, redistribute resources, and draw previously marginalized groups into a politically, culturally, and ethnically unified nation. The members of the Alemán administration, by contrast, dedicated federal resources to promoting industrial development by implementing protectionist measures and constructing massive public works. Powerful hydroelectric dams and expansive irrigation networks supported large-scale commercial agriculture, while ambitious urban projects, including modernist housing complexes, planned suburbs, and the sprawling University City, symbolized the government's middle-class orientation. Despite these advances, their program came with high social costs: suspended redistributive policies and suppressed political liberties led many to accuse them of abandoning the legacy of social revolution they had inherited, an accusation bolstered by rampant corruption. While their policies fomented impressive economic growth over the next three decades, their focus on urban industry ultimately contributed to a debt crisis and a capital city overburdened by rapid inward migration. This controversial policy agenda and ambivalent legacy reflected their collective social formation. Their experiences as politically active students and as career politicians inculcated a sense of pragmatism that set them apart from their military predecessors. Once in office, Alemán and his colleagues exploited the geopolitical circumstances of the early Cold War period to solicit foreign loans as well as private investment, especially from the United States. These leaders fashioned a new image of the ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). Carlos Denegri, a journalist during the Alemán years, captured the essence of this transformation best: "The Revolution," he lamented, "has gotten off its horse and into a Cadillac."

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Bernardin de Saint-Pierre survived the French revolution and was subsequently lionised, becoming a member of the École Normale and the Institut. Maurice Souriau, and most recently Malcolm Cook have looked at his contributions during the French revolution. Both concluded that these were far more substantial than what some critics have hitherto claimed but neither of them conducted a systematic research in the newspapers of the time to see how his work was received. Nor did they consider the correspondence in this respect. This is what this thesis proposes to do. We originally intended to cover the years 1789 to 1799 but we discovered such a wealth of information concerning the first four years of the revolution that we decided to concentrate our research on that period. This ties in with Bernardin’s own publications since hardly anything new was published by him after 1792. This study has revealed that Bernardin had very strong political ideas which he expressed in 1789 with Vœux d’un solitaire and then again in 1792 with Suite des vœux d’un solitaire and in July of the same year he produced a poster entitled: L’Invitation à la Concorde pour la fête de la confédération au 14 juillet 1792. The first three chapters of this thesis analyse the reaction of the press and his correspondents to these publications. We then turn our attention to La Chaumière indienne, first published in 1791 and then again in 1792 where Bernardin included more notes concerning his views on the shape of the earth. If, by and large, the reception of this story was positive, his scientific views triggered enough commentary to justify a section of a chapter dedicated to them. As we progressed in our research, Bernardin’s importance at the time became increasingly evident and we realised that parallel to his own publications, ran an undercurrent of writings paying homage to the man and which we felt helped to build up a portrait of the period. We finish with his nomination as ‘Intendant du Jardin des Plantes’ in July 1792 which led him to write an appeal to create a zoo in the Jardin des Plantes. Throughout 1792 Bernardin’s name was rarely out of the newspapers. This study has shed new light on the persona of Bernardin and helped to underline his importance before, during and after the French revolution.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / The end of the Cold War and the September 11th 2001 attacks changed the strategic environment of the world. New socio-political realities increased the use of armed forces. The War on Terror brought the necessity of expeditionary warfare even to countries whose security doctrine had been so far exclusively focused on territorial defense. Poland is one such country. Throughout Polish history, there have been no expeditionary operations. New requirements after 1999 generated the necessity for reforms in Armed Forces of Poland. Since expeditionary warfare has never been practiced by Polish Army before, the reform process needs to be strongly coordinated with such military forerunners as the US Army. The thesis presents a study of contemporary war and its effects on force structure. It also shows how the US Army has reacted to the changing character of warfare. Such reforms as the Stryker Brigades, Army XXI and "Army After Next" program are analyzed in order to assess which of these solutions can be used in Polish Army reforms. The current capabilities of the Polish Army are also assessed in order to judge the background for military reforms in Poland. Finally a recommendation for reforms in Polish Army is made. / Captain, Polish Army

This thesis explores how the Cuban writer and anthropologist, Lydia Cabrera, experienced exile following the Cuban Revolution of 1959. Cabrera’s personal letters and photos show that she endured a nontypical exile experience. Instead, Cabrera is an example of a transnational exile, because throughout her life she remained both professionally and personally connected to people in multiple locations. Although discussion regarding the Cuban Revolution describes its transnational scope, for Cabrera and similar transnational figures, the events of 1959 meant a disruption to their longstanding international networks. In this way, this thesis will present evidence of Cabrera’s transnational connections and her response to disruption of these networks from 1960 – 1962. Key sources for this thesis can be found in the archival holdings at the University of Miami’s Cuban Historical Collection in Coral Gables, FL.

Comparative studies of democratization point to a multitude of explanatory factors, while often lacking empirical evidence and theoretical foundation. This study introduces the revolution in information technology as a significant contributor to democratization in the 1980s and beyond. Utilizing a cybernetic version of an evolutionary interpretation of democratization an amended model for 147 countries is tested by bivariate and multiple regression analysis. The focus of the analysis is on how the first-ever use of an indicator of information technology explains democratization. The overall findings show that information technology is a meaningful element in the study of democratization today.

This thesis is a micro-history of the formation of the various identities that shaped the Revolutionary War experiences of one eighteenth-century Vermonter (Thomas Johnson) whose life is documented in a manuscript collection at the Vermont Historical Society. I break down Johnson's identities into three levels: social class, state, and national. My argument is that what it meant to be a provincial gentleman, to be a Vermonter, and to be an American were still being constructed at the time of the Revolution and were therefore in a state of flux. The fluid nature of these identities shows us how America's founding fathers' generation was full of ambiguity and a multiplicity choices. The first section of my thesis analyzes how Johnson's identity as a gentleman officer influenced his experience as a prisoner-of-war. I argue that Johnson's identity as an American patriot and his role as a double-agent can only be understood in relation to his conflicted identity as a provincial gentleman. The second section, on the identity of Vermont in the context of a new American nation, starts with historical background on the formation of Vermont first as part of New Hampshire, then as part of New York, and, finally, in negotiations with the British in Canada to rejoin the British empire, with which Johnson participated. In this section I argue that the shifting identities of colonial and revolutionary Vermont provided a backdrop of fluidity and change, as well as animosities between eastern and western residents, which influenced the identities of individual Vermonters during the war, including Thomas Johnson. For the national level, I look at how European Americans had divided loyalties during the war, with an emphasis on the Revolution as a civil war. My thesis departs from most historiography on the Revolution as a civil war, though, by examining it as a war with gray area - not just black and white, or Patriots versus Loyalists. I use this analysis to examine how Johnson's community was divided and why Johnson's neighbors reacted so diversely to the possibility that he was working with the British. In a last and brief section of my thesis, I look at how Johnson has been memorialized in his town's history, and how doubts of his American loyalty have all but disappeared over time, regardless of the intense debates they provoked during his lifetime. I aim to show that despite the consensus view that has shaped much of the historical memory of the American Revolution, the actual process of revolution was full of disorientation and turbulence.