BRAGA, Francisco Vitor Pereira. Pedro Augusto Motta: Militância Libertária e Verbo de Fogo. 2013. 300f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em História, Fortaleza (CE), 2013. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-03-18T14:57:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2013-DIS-FVPBRAGA.pdf: 6238537 bytes, checksum: 69b79c43a665459dc671495930e5dd95 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-03-18T14:58:35Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2013-DIS-FVPBRAGA.pdf: 6238537 bytes, checksum: 69b79c43a665459dc671495930e5dd95 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-03-18T14:58:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2013-DIS-FVPBRAGA.pdf: 6238537 bytes, checksum: 69b79c43a665459dc671495930e5dd95 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / The present research covers the militant trajectory of the anarchist Pedro Augusto Motta, whose life is marked by significant sociopolitical acting in Brazil during the first decades of the 20th century. On studying the dimensions of his militant life, it is discussed the labor movement, the anarchism and its militancy articulately, particularly in the cities Fortaleza and São Paulo. Analyzing the trajectory of such a character and his dialogue with the militant experiences in his time, within the ambit of the anarchist practices and sociabilities over a span between 1894 and 1927, this work discusses the circulation of new ideas which situated the typographer Pedro Augusto Motta in relation to a generation of young militant and workers of various crafts, in Fortaleza, as well as his adherence to resistance syndicalism, militant writing on anarchist press and anarchist and revolutionary syndicalism propaganda. It also highlights his militancy in São Paulo, where he became member of Centro Libertário Terra Livre and part of the editor group of A Plebe newspaper. Considering the context of intense repression in the early twenties, the study also deals with the prison and deportation of Pedro Augusto Motta to a concentration camp in Clevelândia do Norte, Oyapoque, Amazon forest. / O presente estudo se debruça sobre a trajetória militante do anarquista Pedro Augusto Motta, cuja vida é marcada por significativa atuação sociopolítica no Brasil das primeiras décadas do século XX. Ao estudar as dimensões de sua vida militante, discute-se, de forma articulada, o movimento operário, o anarquismo e a militância libertária, particularmente nas cidades de Fortaleza e São Paulo. Analisando a trajetória do personagem em diálogo com as experiências militantes de seu tempo, no âmbito das práticas e sociabilidades anarquistas, em um período compreendido entre o ano de 1894 e 1927, o trabalho discute a circulação das ideias novas, situando o tipógrafo Pedro Augusto Motta em relação a uma geração de jovens militantes e trabalhadores de ofícios vários, em Fortaleza, bem como, sua adesão ao sindicalismo de resistência, a escrita militante na imprensa libertária e a propaganda do anarquismo e do sindicalismo revolucionário. Em destaque, a militância do libertário cearense em São Paulo, onde se torna membro do grupo editor d’A Plebe e do Centro Libertário Terra Livre. O estudo aborda também, no contexto de intensa repressão dos inícios dos anos 1920, a prisão e o desterro de Pedro Augusto Motta no campo de concentração da Clevelândia do Norte, no Oiapoque.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / O presente estudoÂse debruÃaÂsobre a trajetÃria militante do anarquista Pedro Augusto Motta, cuja vidaÂÃ marcada por significativa atuaÃÃo sociopolÃtica no Brasil das primeiras dÃcadas do sÃculo XX. Ao estudar as dimensÃes de sua vida militante, discute-se, de forma articulada, o movimento operÃrio, o anarquismo e a militÃncia libertÃria, particularmente nas cidades de Fortaleza e SÃo Paulo. Analisando a trajetÃria do personagem em diÃlogo com as experiÃncias militantes de seu tempo, no Ãmbito das prÃticas e sociabilidades anarquistas, em um perÃodo compreendido entre o ano de 1894 e 1927, o trabalho discute a circulaÃÃo das ideias novas, situando o tipÃgrafo Pedro Augusto Motta em relaÃÃo a uma geraÃÃo de jovens militantes e trabalhadores de ofÃcios vÃrios, em Fortaleza, bem como, sua adesÃo ao sindicalismo de resistÃncia, a escrita militante na imprensa libertÃria e a propaganda do anarquismo e do sindicalismo revolucionÃrio. Em destaque,Âa militÃncia do libertÃrio cearense em SÃo Paulo, onde se torna membro do grupo editor dâA Plebe e do Centro LibertÃrio Terra Livre. O estudo aborda tambÃm, no contexto de intensa repressÃo dos inÃcios dos anos 1920, a prisÃo e o desterro de Pedro Augusto Motta no campo de concentraÃÃo da ClevelÃndia do Norte, no Oiapoque. / The present research covers the militant trajectory of the anarchist Pedro Augusto Motta, whose life is marked by significant sociopolitical acting in Brazil during the first decades of the 20th century. On studying the dimensions of his militant life, it is discussed the labor movement, the anarchism and its militancy articulately, particularly in the cities Fortaleza and SÃo Paulo. Analyzing the trajectory of such a character and his dialogue with the militant experiences in his time, within the ambit of the anarchist practices and sociabilities over a span between 1894 and 1927, this work discusses the circulation of new ideas which situated the typographer Pedro Augusto Motta in relation to a generation of young militant and workers of various crafts, in Fortaleza, as well as his adherence to resistance syndicalism, militant writing on anarchist press and anarchist and revolutionary syndicalism propaganda. It also highlights his militancy in SÃo Paulo, where he became member of Centro LibertÃrio Terra Livre and part of the editor group of A Plebe newspaper. Considering the context of intense repression in the early twenties, the study also deals with the prison and deportation of Pedro Augusto Motta to a concentration camp in ClevelÃndia do Norte, Oyapoque, Amazon forest.

Ce mémoire étudie un courant original de l’extrême gauche française : celui le plus souvent nommé « lambertiste » d’après le nom de son principal dirigeant, Pierre Lambert. La présente thèse examine sa genèse aux lendemains de la Libération puis son développement jusqu’en 1963. Ce groupe se constitue autour de quelques convictions comme un antistalinisme affirmé, la nécessité d’un fonctionnement rigoureux, la volonté d’agir « dans la classe » et la priorité donnée à l’action syndicale. Au cours de la période étudiée, il acquiert d’autres particularités comme l’anticléricalisme, un manque d’intérêt pour les révolutions coloniales ou la méfiance envers la modernité. Surtout, quand la direction de la IVe Internationale trotskyste prétend que le mouvement communiste international peut jouer un rôle progressiste, les lambertistes rompent avec elle. Désormais, ils ne cessent de dénoncer « les pablistes », Michel Pablo étant alors le dirigeant de la IVe. En revanche, ce courant politique se lie à une mouvance mêlant anarchistes, syndicalistes révolutionnaires et socialistes de gauche. Par ce biais, il se rapproche des réformistes, d’abord dans le domaine syndical puis, à la faveur de la guerre d’Algérie, dans la sphère politique. A la fin de la période étudiée, il est en passe de devenir un allié de la social-démocratie à l’extrême gauche. / This thesis studies a specific group of the French extreme left most often called « lambertist » after the name of its principal leader, Pierre Lambert. This research examines its genesis in the wake of the Liberation to its development until 1963. This organization is built around several convictions like an affirmed anti-stalinism, the necessity of a rigorous functioning, the will to act for the working class and the priority given to the unionist action. During the studied period, it acquires other characteristics such as anticlericalism, a lack of interest in colonial revolutions or a skepticism towards modernity. Above all, when the leadership of the fourth International trotskyist claims that the international communist movement can play a progressive role, the lambertists take their independence from these leaders. From now on, they keep criticizing the pablists, Michel Pablo being the leader of the fourth. Otherwise, the lambertists associate with a movement of anarchists, revolutionary trade unionists and left-wing socialists. In this way, they get closer to the reformists first in the trade union field, then, in favor of the Algerian war, in the political sphere. At the end of the studied period, the group is about to become an ally of social democracy at the extreme left.

Si la Première Guerre mondiale déstabilisa le mouvement anarchiste belge, la Révolution russe de 1917 fragilisa les anarchistes plus profondément. En effet, la stratégie des bolchéviques, parti marxiste, contredisait les principes anarchistes basés sur une doctrine antimarxiste rejetant le centralisme politique et la dictature du prolétariat. Néanmoins, les anarchistes belges accueillirent favorablement la Révolution russe. Celle-ci déclencha une remise en question des idées anarchistes, notamment en faveur d'une dictature ouvrière et paysanne, et une collaboration politique entre anarchistes et communistes. Comme ailleurs en Europe, les événements en Russie conduisirent à l'organisation des premiers partis communistes belges, notamment avec des anarchistes. Cette convergence politique et idéologique fut de courte durée, car les bolchéviques, dans le cadre de la Guerre civile, installèrent une répression politique en Russie qui fut critiquée et rejetée par les anarchistes belges. La Révolution russe affaiblit alors le mouvement anarchiste au cours des années 1920 : le nombre d'anarchistes diminua, car les communistes belges attirèrent des militants anarchistes. De plus, les organisations anarchistes réaffirmèrent les principes et stratégies classiques de leur doctrine en opposition aux communistes. Ainsi, au cours des années 1920, les militants répétèrent les débats stratégiques et théoriques d'avant-guerre, ne parvenant pas à attirer beaucoup de nouveaux membres et à s'imposer face aux communistes. En outre, en 1927, des débats suscités par des anarchistes russes et ukrainiens à Paris sur des problèmes d'organisation divisèrent les anarchistes belges et affaiblirent à nouveau le mouvement à la fin de la décennie. / The First World War destabilized the Belgian anarchist movement, but so too did the Russian Revolution in 1917. Indeed, the strategy of the leading Marxist Bolshevik party contradicted anarchist principles based on an anti-Marxist doctrine rejecting the principle of political centralism and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Nevertheless, Belgian anarchists at first welcomed the Russian Revolution. It set off a rethinking of anarchist ideas, notably the endorsing of a workers’ and peasants’ dictatorship, and encouraged political collaboration between anarchists and communists. As elsewhere in Europe, the events in Russia led to the organization of the first Belgian communist parties with anarchists. This proved to be a short-term political convergence because the Bolsheviks in their struggle in the Civil War resorted to repression which Belgian anarchists rejected and criticized. Ultimately, the Russian Revolution weakened the anarchist movement during the 1920s. The number of anarchists dramatically decreased because Belgian communist drew off anarchist militants. Furthermore, the anarchist organizations reaffirmed a more traditional ideology in opposition to the communists. During the 1920s, anarchist militants repeated pre-war strategic and theoretical debates, failing to attract new members and compete against the communists. Moreover, in 1927, debates sparked by Russian and Ukrainian anarchists in Paris regarding organizational problems divided Belgian anarchists and weakened the movement by the end of the decade.