Through in-depth interviews with 12 regular contributors to the Lexington-Herald Leader’s website, www.Kentucky.com, this study attempts to examine how online citizen journalists view the definitions of citizen and professional journalism, as compared to Singer’s three dimensions of professionalism (i.e., cognitive, normative, and evaluative dimensions) as well as their perceived role conceptions of professional and citizen journalists, using Weaver and Wilhoit’s four roles of journalists. Analyses reveal that the main difference in the definitions of the two types of journalists revolved around the cognitive dimension, specifically the education and training that professionals receive. The role conceptions of professional and citizen journalists were similar, with the both groups being described as serving the interpretive/investigative and disseminator roles. The roles of citizen journalists also included the adversarial and populist mobilizer roles.

Constructive journalism aims to cover stories about progress and collaboration as well as stories about devastation and conflict. This qualitative interviewstudy explores how local journalists working at Sveriges Television and Sveriges Radio experience the impact of constructive journalism on their journalistic role. What has the constructive perspective, which is now quite implemented in the two media organizations, meant for the conceptions of the journalistic role considering norms, ideals and journalistic mission? By interviewing five journalists about their experiences, we received results that provide an understanding of constructive journalism as it pertains to journalist role conceptions. The results show that the constructive perspective has come with a great sense of change for these journalists, considering how they experience their journalistic role.

This study analyses the Actorness Cohesion (AC) of the EU’s foreign policy in the United Nations General Assembly First Committee by comparing the EU Delegation foreign policy-maker’s role conceptions to those made by the EU Member State (EU MS) Delegations on the same topic clusters. The concept of AC is developed from actorness and role theory as an ideational, constructivist measure of vertical policy coherence. AC represents the absence of ‘vertical conflicts’ between the EU and EU MS Delegation’s expressed role conceptions along four dimensions; Identity Cohesion, Goal Cohesion and Function Cohesion and Worldview Cohesion. This is studied by interpreting the role stability in the role-set; whether the contents are consistent, the EU role conception is central or whether the EU MS Delegations complement and/or are compatible to the EU role conception. Statements on topic clusters: ‘Disarmament Machinery’, ‘Conventional Weapons’ and ‘Outer Space (disarmament aspects)’ are analysed in order to determine the AC. The study concludes that whilst there is little evidence of the EU Delegation’s role conception being central to the EU MS Delegations, there is considerable consistency of contents. There are also indications of an emerging AC due to the EU MS Delegation’s role conceptions being complementary to that of the EU Delegation. The study calls for more research that will complement this plausibility-probe study and the concept of AC.

German-Russian relations have remained strong since the Cold War, despite continuing in traditions of multilateralism and integrated into the Western order. Despite recent tensions and deterioration since the Ukraine Crisis, German-Russian relations are a subject of intense debate between the political parties CDU/CSU and SPD that governed Germany in a coalition from 2014-2017. This thesis utilises a social constructivist method to focus on social factors and party-political legacies relevant in the evolving relationship. It then analyses the evolving discourse of the parties about Russia in the years 2014-2017, focusing on the different ways the discourse uses and connects with the factors and legacies. Although a parallel movement is discerned between the foreign policy positions of the CDU/CSU and SPD, the parties' positions do not converge but remain in conflict about the future of European security, cooperation with Russia and the desired foreign policy role of Germany. Throughout, the analysis suggests that contemporary theories about German-Russian relations and about Germany's foreign policy role should look at the internal debates and factors to get a more complete picture of German foreign policy. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

The purpose of the thesis is to analyze the role of the EU as a foreign and security policy actor in the post-9/11 international security environment. The thesis investigates the congruity between the role that the EU aspires to play as a foreign and security actor (role conception) and its actual foreign and security policy actions and decisions (role performance) in a specific case of the Middle East Peace Process (MEPP) in the post-9/11 era. The role conceptions of the EU are identified by analyzing the content of the general foreign policy speeches delivered by the principal EU foreign policy officials and the EU official documents concerning foreign and security policy of the EU. The congruity between EU&rsquo / s self-defined role conceptions and its actual role performance is tested in the case-study of the MEPP. As a result of the analysis, it is concluded that although the EU encountered some constraints when performing some of its self-proclaimed roles, this moderately weakened its effectiveness and international credibility as a foreign and security policy actor in the post-9/11 era, all in all, as observed in the case of the MEPP, the decisions and actions carried out by the EU while enacting its self-identified roles outweighed its deficiencies in its role performance. Despite some inconsistency problems the EU has encountered while performing its self-identified roles, its overall balance sheet as a foreign and security policy actor in the post-9/11 era is fairly positive.

This paper addresses the question of whether Russia’s role conception changed after the annexation of Crimea. Research on role conceptions has a solid standing within foreign policy analysis, but information on role change and what it is that affects it has not been given the necessary attention. The paper’s theoretical framework contains earlier theoretical definitions of role conceptions and role change. In conjunction with the theoretical approach, process tracing and systematic text analysis with a focus on narratives are used as methodological tools. Relevant findings are then generated through the study of elite-expressions of the Russian master role from, firstly, the period between 2012 and late 2013, and, secondly, 2014. In brief, the results indicate that no major change occurred. Rather the role conception remained stable throughout both sequences. This suggests that the ramifications of the annexation of Crimea did not challenge the Russian master role and that it was not perceived as a crisis by Putin and his colleagues. Moreover, it is possible that role change more likely occurs when exceptional circumstances arise unexpectedly and when they fundamentally challenge ingrained role conceptions.

There are many ways in which to define the relationship between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries. Using Holsti‟s definitions of role theory, this study distinguishes between the ego (the EU) and the alter (the ACP countries), referring to the differing perceptions that each has regarding the same issue: the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). It is argued that the EU carries out its external policies vis-à-vis the ACP countries, and in particular with the EPAs, in a manner that is perceived very differently by the two parties. The EU perceives its behaviour as that of Normative Power Europe (NPE) whereby actions are identified as altruistic and determined by a number of norms that form the core of the EU. Alternatively, it is suggested that in contrast to NPE, the ACP countries, with specific reference to southern Africa, experience and perceive quite a different version of the EU which is determined by Market Power Europe (MPE). MPE highlights a tangible and self-interested Europe not concerned entirely with altruistic intentions but rather the interests of its Single Market. The co-existence of these perceptions accounts for the difficulties faced in concluding the EPA negotiations. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / gm2014 / Political Sciences / unrestricted

This research explores to what extent the community newspaper, Fourways Review, which is distributed to a geographically demarcated area in Johannesburg’s northern suburbs, is fulfilling the community’s expectations; how community members use the newspaper and how Fourways Review’s community journalists define their roles. The research uses a qualitative approach to collect data through face-to-face, in-depth interviews with a sample of 30 community members and eight news team members; and one week of participant observation in the newsroom. Data is analysed through a constant comparative technique. The research finds Fourways Review is accepted in the community but is not as community-minded as a community newspaper should be, which affects how the community members use the publication. Community member respondents attribute the criticism to the influence of a market-driven approach to reporting. This is echoed by the news team respondents who say news production is influenced by community, advertising and inter-departmental pressures. / Communication Science / M.A. (Communication Studies)