La Nachbarschaft ou « institution de voisinage » est une forme d’entraide instituée pratiquée en Transylvanie/Roumanie depuis des siècles. Elle se réfère à une forme spécifique et organisée de relations de voisinage au sein des différents groupes ethniques roumain, tsigane, saxon ou hongrois.<p>L’évolution de la cohabitation interethnique, la définition et les revendications des uns et des autres sont intimement liées à l’articulation des relations économiques, sociales, de pouvoir et d’autonomie à travers le temps. Les relations qualifiées aujourd’hui d’« interethniques » s’inscrivent dans un lent processus de cohabitation, à différentes échelles, dont les catégories ont perduré mais ont changé de signification au cours des siècles. <p>Quelle est la place de cette institution vieille de plusieurs siècles dans la Roumanie actuelle, dite « en transition » depuis la chute du régime communiste? Les institutions de voisinage continuent-elles à combler un certain vide laissé par l’Etat ?Alors que la construction de la « société civile », terme clé de la littérature scientifique sur la transition des pays de l’Est, est un des processus jugés vitaux dans les années suivant la chute du mur, l’institution de voisinage n’a pas arrêté d’investir cet échelon de vie collective. Comment investit-elle cet espace d’échange entre unités domestiques, sur quoi est fondé cet échange ?Enfin, quelles sont les dynamiques qui l’animent et qui conditionnent sa transmission ?<p><p><p> / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Le but de cette recherché doctorale est d'établir la liaison entre deux phénomènes de mobilité parallèles qui peuvent faire changer une société de manière dramatique. On trouve dans le Maramures deux couloirs de mobilités fort liés entre eux: l’arrivée de personnes vers la région, qui consiste surtout en tourisme rural, et le départ des personnes originaires de la région vers l’étranger, qui est représenté par la migration de travail.<p>Le tourisme rural est encastré dans un contexte social, politique et historique particulier. La spécificité supposée de la région est celle d’une authenticité bien préservée, avec un fort usage du discours concernant l’Etat national. Le Maramures est considéré comme une des régions “authentiques”, “archaïques” et “traditionnelles” qui attirent une certaine catégorie de visiteurs, comme c’est souvent le cas du tourisme rural. L’évolution du phénomène touristique est le résultat des intersections complexes des divers acteurs, les migrants jouant un rôle important.<p>Une grande partie des remises de fonds provenant des migrants est investie dans le tourisme rural, d’une manière directe ou indirecte. De plus, ceux-ci fonctionnent comme des médiateurs culturels pour les activités touristiques. La participation à une pratique, tel le tourisme rural ou la migration, facilite souvent l’accès à l’autre, générant ainsi des tensions et clivages sociaux.<p>La croissance continue du tourisme et de la migration est en même temps cause et effet d’une interdépendance entre les modèles culturels et économiques de l’Est et de l’Ouest. /<p><p>The goal of this PhD research is to show the connection between two parallel mobility phenomena that have the potential to dramatically change a local society. There are two strongly linked “mobility corridors” in Maramures. Incoming mobility, i.e. the arrival of foreigners, largely involves tourists, whilst outgoing mobility consists mostly of labour migration.<p>Rural tourism is embedded in a particular social, political and historical context. The alleged specificity of this area is a well-preserved authenticity, with a strong background of national discourse. Maramures is seen as an “authentic”, “archaic” or “traditional” area, so it attracts a particular category of visitor, as is often the case in rural tourism. The evolution of this tourism phenomenon is the result of the complex intersection of different actors’ interests, and migrants play a major role.<p>A large part of the labour migrants’ remittances is invested in rural tourism, directly or indirectly. Moreover, these migrants function as cultural brokers for tourism-related activities. Participation in either rural tourism or migration often facilitates access to the other. However, it also creates tensions and social gaps. <p>The steady growth of tourism and migration is both cause and effect of an interdependence between the cultural and economic models of Eastern and Western societies. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Variable plutôt ignorée au niveau de la littérature portant sur l’analyse du parti au gouvernement, les élites exécutives, leurs trajectoires politiques et leurs expériences de socialisation peuvent constituer une explication alternative pour l’articulation de l’activité des exécutifs. Par le biais d’une étude de cas, portant sur les élites politiques en Roumanie postcommuniste, la recherche procède à une interrogation concernant l’impact des acteurs individuels sur la formulation des politiques publiques et la coordination de l’activité gouvernementale. <p><p>De la sorte, menée d’une manière constructiviste, la recherche suscite la délimitation d’une série de réponses à la question :Comment les trajectoires politiques des ministres et des secrétaires d’Etat influent-elles sur la prise de décision gouvernementale en Roumanie postcommuniste ?L’influence des élites gouvernementales est analysée sur deux grands axes de recherche :(1) une dimension qui vise les relations qui se forgent entre les acteurs au niveau organisationnel –institutionnel et (2) une dimension qui porte sur le contenu même des politiques entamées. D’une manière compréhensive, intégrant plusieurs approches centrées sur les élites, le cadre analytique imbrique les effets estimés au niveau du parti et les effets établis au niveau du fonctionnement des exécutifs. <p><p>Les conclusions de la thèse soulignent l’importance du profil des acteurs gouvernementaux dans la coordination de l’activité des exécutifs durant la période 1989-2007. L’expérience politique des acteurs, tout comme leur position dans le parti sont des facteurs essentiels dans la définition des degrés d’autonomie décisionnelle et des marges de liberté dont les gouvernants disposent dans la création des politiques. L’étude met en exergue le fait que cette caractéristique décrivant l'existence d'un impact direct des acteurs individuels sur le caractère collégial, consensuel ou conflictuel de l’activité du cabinet, tout comme leur influence sur la réalisation du programme gouvernemental ne constituent pas une idiosyncrasie de la transition démocratique, mais un modèle de comportement consolidé dans le cas des exécutifs roumains.<p> / Doctorat en sciences politiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Trajan conquered Dacia in 106 CE and encouraged one of the largest colonization efforts in the history of the Roman Empire. The new province was rich in natural resources. Immigrants from Dalmatia, Moesia, Noricum, Pannonia, Greece, Syria, Bithynia, Italy, indigenous Dacians, and soldiers from Legio XIII Gemina participated in the extraction of gold from the Apuseni Mountains. The inhabitants of mining settlements around Alburnus Maior and the administrative center Ampelum coexisted under Roman governance but continued to mark their identities in multicultural communities. At Alburnus Maior the presence of wage laborers with access to outside materials and ideas created the opportunity for miners to communicate identity through mediums that have survived. A series of wax tablet legal contracts, altars, and funerary monuments can be combined with recent archaeological data from settlements, burials, and the mines themselves to formulate the broad view necessary to examine the intricacies of group and self-expression. Through this evidence, Alburnus Maior offers a case study for how mobility and colonization in the ancient world could impact identity. Due to the pressures of coping within a multicultural community, miners formed settlements that were central to their daily lives and facilitated the embodiment of state, community, and personal identities. Identity changes over time and can simultaneously communicate several ideas that are hard to categorize. This study approaches this challenge by looking from macro to micro contexts that influenced several expressions of identity. Chapter 2 begins with a historical background that explores the expansion of the Roman Empire and considers how different experiences of conquest influenced the colonists who immigrated to Dacia. The circumstances that led to the massive colonization of Dacia are also considered. Chapter 3 describes how the mines at Alburnus Maior were exploited, who was present, and assesses the impact of state officials, legionaries, and elite entrepreneurs on the formation and expression of state identity through cult, law, and language. The formation of immigrant communities and the working conditions that permeated everyday life at the mines are then considered in the next chapter. Settlement, cult, and religious membership are evaluated for their role in creating and articulating community identities. Chapter 5 then analyzes the personal and sometimes private expression of identity that appears in commemoration, naming conventions, and burial. The three levels of state, community, and personal identities often overlap and collectively show that the hybridization of ideas from several cultures was central to how those at Alburnus Maior negotiated their identity in the Roman Empire.

With Romania's acceptance into NATO, the Republic of Moldova found itself at the frontier of the North-Atlantic Alliance. This thesis evaluates the impact of NATO and European Union enlargements on the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict in the eastern part of the Republic of Moldova. Theoretically, recent changes in the geo-political environment in Europe can bring a new impetus to the process of political settlement of the Transnistrian conflict. In the wake of these changes, Moldovan leadership is looking for new supporters to back Moldova in the stand-off against Russia on the Transnistrian issue. In this respect, NATO and the EU appear to be appropriate candidates. Either one of these two organizations, taken separately, possesses enough potential to create an asymmetry against Russia. Would these two institutions get more involved in the fate of this intra-state conflict? Possible courses of action of actors involved will be analyzed through the prisms of realism and liberal institutionalism theories of international relations. Rationale for further enlargement will be assessed against "soft power" resources, such as values, norms and knowledge, accumulated over the years and shared by member-states within both alliances.

With regard to European Union joining, Romania and Eastern European region have much more attention of the rest of the world. Romania became a phenomenon of Balkan Peninsula during last five years. The aim of the thesis is to describe economic development of Romania before its admission to European Communities and summarize its current economic position in the Union. A part of the thesis is devoted to romanian market environment and assesses especially its attractivity in consideration of the Czech republic.

Title from title page of PDF (University of Missouri--St. Louis, viewed March 8, 2010). Includes bibliographical references (p. 107-111).

The primary purpose of this thesis is to investigate the operation of membership criteria, which are applied against countries that wish to join the European Union (EU). More specifically, the importance of some criteria in comparison to others is considered. To answer this proposal, three questions are posed: What are the EU membership criteria? Are some criteria more important than other criteria? Does the EU treat candidate countries differently in applying the membership criteria? Three countries are used in this analysis, each country representing one recent enlargement round: Poland (2004), Romania (2007), and current candidate country Turkey. Both official documents, such as EU treaties, and unofficial documents such as statements from EU leaders are used to analyze the application of membership criteria. The method that is used in this thesis is idea analysis. The EU has both official criteria, which are found in the foundation treaties, and unofficial criteria, which are the public and political opinions among the candidate countries and current EU member states. It is suggested that none of the criteria are more important than others; a candidate country must fulfill virtually all the official and unofficial criteria in order to gain EU membership. Although all criteria must be met, the application of the criteria is uneven between candidate countries. The EU does not treat countries differently when it comes to the official criteria. However, when it comes to the unofficial criteria, Turkey is treated differently from Romania and Poland. There is greater resistance to Turkey’s future membership, making it much more difficult for Turkey to reach the stage of full EU membership.

Cette thèse se propose de répondre à la question suivante: quels sont les facteurs qui influencent les décisions stratégiques de la politique étrangère roumaine? Il y a trois séries de facteurs qui ont été considérées. La première concerne les facteurs liées aux héritages historiques, qui sont examinés sous le double aspect des évènements concrets et des mentalités. La deuxième série de facteurs se réfère aux influences internes sur la prise des décisions: architecture institutionnelle et légale, partage des compétences, relations informelles entre les détenteurs des fonctions relevantes pour la politique étrangère roumaine, partis politiques et opinion publique. Finalement, la troisième série de variables concerne les facteurs externes au système politique. Deux dimensions sont ici examinées: une dimension géopolitique, qui vise la distribution de la puissance, et une dimension institutionnelle, qui détermine le poids des organisations internationales et régionales dans la prise des décisions.

<p>The primary purpose of this thesis is to investigate the operation of membership criteria, which are applied against countries that wish to join the European Union (EU). More specifically, the importance of some criteria in comparison to others is considered. To answer this proposal, three questions are posed: What are the EU membership criteria? Are some criteria more important than other criteria? Does the EU treat candidate countries differently in applying the membership criteria? Three countries are used in this analysis, each country representing one recent enlargement round: Poland (2004), Romania (2007), and current candidate country Turkey. Both official documents, such as EU treaties, and unofficial documents such as statements from EU leaders are used to analyze the application of membership criteria. The method that is used in this thesis is idea analysis. The EU has both official criteria, which are found in the foundation treaties, and unofficial criteria, which are the public and political opinions among the candidate countries and current EU member states. It is suggested that none of the criteria are more important than others; a candidate country must fulfill virtually all the official and unofficial criteria in order to gain EU membership. Although all criteria must be met, the application of the criteria is uneven between candidate countries. The EU does not treat countries differently when it comes to the official criteria. However, when it comes to the unofficial criteria, Turkey is treated differently from Romania and Poland. There is greater resistance to Turkey’s future membership, making it much more difficult for Turkey to reach the stage of full EU membership.</p>