University of Macau / Faculty of Law

No description available.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Marriage is regarded as one of the most important and universal cultural symbols of belonging, and incorporates a range of privileges that can be acquired in no other way. It is where relationships of desire, politics and economics are fused into personal and public rituals of socially sanctioned connection and inclusion. Yet it draws new boundaries of social inclusion and exclusion or stigmatisation. In this thesis I use narrative inquiry to investigate how seventeen Capetonian queer couples in committed relationships perceive and experience same-sex marriage, and ask whether the Civil Union Act has given them a greater sense of belonging. Sexuality is deeply politicised through gendered disciplinary regimes that impinge on people’s emotional and intimate lives. Sexual politics in South Africa today emerge from a complex history of the sycretisation of widely varying cultural and political discourses, beliefs and practices wrought through colonialism and post-colonial recuperation. The formal protection of lgbti-q identities in the post-apartheid South African Constitution is the outcome of strategic struggles for lgbti-q recognition as human rights. However, formal rights do not necessarily lead to social inclusion as they may not reflect extant cultural values, hence I use the thicker concept of ‘belonging’ as developed by Yuval-Davis to analyse everyday inclusion—a concept which enables me to understand ‘privatised’ and affective dimensions of citizenship shaped by contexts of care and interpersonal intimacy. Worldwide, marriage has long been a central institution in how societies regulate their social and physical reproduction; but marriage also confers privileges which can be accessed in no other way. As in the West, marriage equality was a key aim for lgbti-q struggles in South Africa. But feminists have critiqued marriage as an institution of gendered hierarchy and a site of profound oppression for women. It is at the centre of the private|public dichotomy, and symbolic of women’s differentiated citizenship through, inter alia, the ideology of ‘women as property’. Hence same-sex marriage is deeply politicised in how it upholds or challenges heteropatriarchy. By looking at how a diverse range of same-sex couples in committed relationships perceive and experience same-sex marriage in South Africa, I unravel the ambiguities and contradictions of marriage as a project of belonging for lesbians and gays. Marriage as a sexual politics of belonging is about how lesbian and gay citizens experience equality and dignity in their everyday lives—recognition of them as citizen-subjects, protection of their intimate relationships as well as their struggles for belonging. I engage with the complex outcomes of colonial conquest and post-colonial recuperation on African sexual identities, before turning to an understanding of queer citizenship. I show how belonging is a much thicker concept than citizenship because it accesses our affective relationships. I proceed to use Nira Yuval-Davis’s framework for analysing belonging. She divides belonging into two streams: facets of belonging relating to identities, social locations and political and ethical values; and a politics of belonging. Struggles for belonging are waged around boundaries of inclusions and exclusions, and only become visible when belonging is contested. Projects for belonging are complex and multi-layered negotiations around the boundaries of belonging. Using narrative inquiry, I present the stories of seventeen couples and six key informants to fashion a narrative about same-sex marriage as a project of belonging. I asked them about coming out, and how they met their partners. They also told me about their relationships with children and significant others. We talked about their perceptions and experiences of same-sex marriage, and their views of the Constitution and Civil Union Act. I also asked about their sense of safety as queers and what they thought needed to be done to help queers belong (more). The participants’ most significant sense of belonging derived from having their rights protected in the Constitution. Their sense of entitlement to be who they are, was the outcome of powerful struggles for recognition. The various couples had been in committed relationships for between 8 and 52 years. Some had made use of the immigration status of same-sex partners to be together, which meant they were instantly thrown into ‘marriage’-like situations. Some didn’t want to get married, but 10 couples were married. Except for two couples, all the couples who got married did it primarily for the tangible benefits associated with marriage: through marriage they established formal kinship relationships linked to property and commitment to care. They were generally not interested in the cultural trappings of ‘weddings’, and had modest and quiet ceremonies. All the married couples affirmed that the Act had given them a greater sense of belonging. While all the participants valued formal recognition through the Constitution, the lack of substantive equality needed to be addressed to ensure future belonging for lgbti-q. I concluded that same-sex marriages are powerful social institutions, capable of either upholding heteropatriarchies through homonormative performances, but also capable of subversions. A foundational challenge comes through disrupting the ‘women as property’ exchange embedded in most marital traditions. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die huwelik word beskou as een van die belangrikste en algemeenste kulturele simbole van samesyn, en behels ’n reeks voordele wat op geen ander manier toeganklik is nie. Die huwelik is die kern waar begeerte, politiek en ekonomie verenig in persoonlike en openbare instellings van gemeenskaplike aanvaarding en verbinding. Terselfdertyd teken dit ook nuwe grense van sosiale insluiting, uitsluiting of stigmatisering. In hierdie tesis ondersoek ek wat sewentien Kaapse queer paartjies in vaste verhoudings dink van gay huwelike en hoe hulle dit ondervind, en ek vra of die Civil Union Act hulle meer samesyn (belonging) laat voel. Seksualiteit is uiters polities omdat dissiplinêre sisteme mense se emosionele en intieme lewes reguleer. Seksuele politiek in die huidige Suid-Afrika spruit uit ’n gekompliseerde geskiedenis van ’n samevloeiing van verkillende kulturele en politiese diskoerse, gelowe en praktyke van kolonialisme en post-kolonialistiese herstel. Die formele beskerming van lgbti-q identiteite in die post-apartheid Grondwet van Suid-Afrika, is die uitkomste van strategiese stryde vir lgbti-q herkenning as menseregte. Nogtans het formele regte nie noodwendig gelei tot sosiale insluiting omdat hulle nie die bestaande kulturele waardes weerspieël nie, daarom gebruik ek die konsep van ‘samesyn’ soos ontwikkel deur Yuval-Davis om alledaagse insluiting te ontleed—’n konsep wat my in staat stel om die ‘private’ en emosionele dimensies van burgerskap, die kontekste van sorg en interpersoonlike intimiteit, te verstaan. Wêreldswyd is die huwelik ’n kerninstelling in die regulering van sosiale en fisiese voortplanting in gemeenskappe. Maar die huwelik verleen ook voorregte wat op geen ander manier verkrygbaar is nie. Soos in die Weste, is huweliks-gelykheid ’n sleutelpunt in stryde vir lgbti-q erkenning in Suid-Afrika. Maar feministe het kritiek gelewer teen die huwelik omdat hulle glo dis ’n terrein vir die instelling van geslagshiërargie en diepgaande onderdrukking van vroue. Dit is die spilpunt waarom die verdeling tussen privaat | openbaar draai, en is simbolies van vroue se gedifferensieerde burgerskap deur, onder andere, die ideologie van ‘vroue as besittings’. Dus is gay huwelike polities ingewortel in hoe hulle heteropatriargie onderskraag of aanvat. Deur te kyk hoe etlike Suid-Afrikaanse paartjies van dieselfde geslag hulle toegewyde verhoudings beskou en ondervind, ontrafel ek die raaisels en dubbelsinnighede van gay huwelike as ’n projek van samesyn vir lesbiërs en gays. Die huwelik as seksuele politiek van samesyn is hoe lesbiese en gay burgers in die alledaagse lewe hulle gelykheid en menswaardigheid beleef—dat hulle as burgers erken word, en dat hulle intieme verhoudings sowel as hulle stryde vir samesyn gekoester word. Ek ontrafel die kompleksiteit van Afrikane se seksualiteite deur die gevolge van koloniale verowering en post-koloniale herwinning aan te pak, voor ek na queer burgerskap kyk. Ek bewys dat samesyn ’n meer betekenisvolle begrip is as burgerskap omdat dit ook ons emosionele verhoudings kan aanspreek. Ek gebruik Nira Yuval-Davis se raamwerk vir die ontleding van samesyn. Sy deel dit in twee strome: fasette van samesyn verbonde aan identiteite, sosiale stand en politieke en etiese waardes; en die politiek van samesyn. Stryde oor samesyn word rondom grense van insluiting en uitsluiting gevoer, en word slegs sigbaar wanneer samesyn bevraagteken word. Projekte vir samesyn is ingewikkeld met veelvoudige onderhandelings rondom grense van in— of uitsluiting. Ek gebruik verhaalontleding om die stories van sewentien paartjies en ses sleutelinformante te omskep in ’n vertelling omtrent gay huwelike as ’n projek van samesyn. Ek het hulle gevra oor hoe hulle “uit die kas geklim” het, en hoe hulle hulle minnaars ontmoet het. Hulle het my ook vertel van hulle verhoudings met hulle kinders en belangrike mense in hulle lewens. Ons het gepraat oor hulle sienswyses oor, en ondervindings van, gay huwelike, en hulle sienings oor die Grondwet en Civil Union Act. Ek het ook uitgevra omtrent hoe veilig hulle voel as queers, en wat hulle dink gedoen moet word sodat queers (meer) samesyn kan ondervind. Die deelnemers se grootse gevoel van samesyn was as gevolg van hulle regte wat gekoester word deur die Grondwet. Hulle gevoel van geregtigheid om te wees wie hulle is, het gespruit uit ’n kragtige stryd vir erkenning. Die verskillende paartjies was tussen 8 en 52 jaar lank in vaste verhoudings. Party het gebruik gemaak van die immigrasie wetgewing vir gay minnaars om saam te bly, wat beteken het dat hulle hulle summier in ‘huwelik’-soortige verhoudings bevind het. Party wou nie trou nie, maar 10 paartjies het getrou. Behalwe twee paartjies, het al die paartjies gesê hulle het hoofsaaklik getrou om die tasbare voordele van huwelike te geniet: deur huwelike kon hulle formele verwantskappe skep met besittings en verpligtings tot sorg. Hulle was oor die algemeen nie geïnteresseerd in die kulturele vertoon van troues nie, en het beskeie en stil seremonies gehou. Al die getroude paartjies het gesê dat die Civil Union Act hulle ’n groter gevoel van samesyn gebring het. Alhoewel al die deelnemers die amptelike erkenning van die Grondwet waardeer het, het hulle gesê dat die gebrekkigheid aan substantiewe gelykheid aangespreek moet word om toekomstige samesyn vir gays te verseker. Ek het tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat gay huwelike kragtige gemeenskaplike instellings is wat heteropatriargieë kan onderskraag deur homonormatiewe gedrag, maar dat hulle ook ondermynend kan wees. ’n Fundamentele uitdaging is die moontlike ontwrigting van ‘vroue as besittings’ onderhandelings wat in meeste huwelikstradisies vasgelê is.

Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of Communication, 2008. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 69-77).

Orientador: Evelina Dagnino / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T07:08:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Santos_GustavoGomesdaCosta_D.pdf: 1007047 bytes, checksum: b854b4d183a7e219363b228e2bd0e6d5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: A presente pesquisa analisa as lutas e conflitos em torno do reconhecimento legal das uniões entre pessoas do mesmo sexo no Brasil e na África do Sul. O estudo faz uso da perspectiva histórica para entender como ambos os países têm respondido às demandas por direitos sexuais no âmbito da política institucional. O "sucesso" sul-africano em criar uma ampla legislação favorável aos casais do mesmo sexo é contrastado com o relativo "fracasso" brasileiro em aprovar leis para este segmento da população. Variáveis do sistema político-jurídico, juntamente com a confluência (ou não) de projetos políticos comprometidos com a construção democrática presentes no âmbito da sociedade civil e do Estado explicam os resultados tão díspares nos dois países. A pesquisa inclui também a análise dos direitos garantidos aos casais do mesmo sexo em leis e decisões judiciais. Especial ênfase será dada na nomenclatura atribuída a estas uniões de maneira a compreender: a) se as leis e decisões judiciais garantem todos os direitos conjugais (herança, declaração conjunta de bens, adoção conjunta de crianças, garantia de visto de permanência de parceiro estrangeiro entre outros) aos casais do mesmo sexo e b) em que medida leis e decisões judiciais promoveram ou não a equiparação "simbólica" entre casais do mesmo sexo e casais do sexo opostos / Abstract: This research analyses the struggles and conflicts around the legal recognition of same-sex unions in Brazil and South Africa. The study takes the historical perspective to understand how both countries have met the demands for sexual rights in the political arena. The South African "success" in passing favorable legislation for same-sex couples is contrasted with the Brazilian "failure" in approving laws which extend marital rights for lesbian and gay couples. These divergent results are explained by differences in the configuration of political and legal systems and the presence (or not) of political actors (in civil society and the State) committed with a democratic political project. This study also includes an analysis of the rights granted to same-sex couples by laws and judicial decisions. Based on the differences in naming, the study examines: a) if laws and judicial decisions in both countries had extended all conjugal rights (inheritance, taxes deductions, joint adoption, immigration rights) to same-sex couples and b) to what extend had these laws and judicial decisions symbolically equalized same-sex and opposite sex couples / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutor em Ciência Política

Den här uppsatsen handlar om hur rapporteringen om registrerat partnerskap och könsneutralt äktenskap i svensk dagspress såg ut under perioden 1 januari till 31 mars 1995 respektive 1 maj till 31 juli 2009. Genom att jämföra hur samkönade relationer, äktenskap och familjebildning gestaltas i texterna under de båda tidsperioderna, har syftet varit att undersöka huruvida rapporteringen har förändrats i riktning mot en mer tolerant diskurs. Studiens frågeställningar rör bland annat förekomsten av olika former av uttryck för diskursiv diskriminering i texterna samt andelen positiva/negativa uttalanden. Studien utgår från ett socialkonstruktionistiskt perspektiv, och betraktar de dagliga medierna som betydelsefulla agenter när det gäller att befästa eller utmana diskurser om vad som betraktas som normalt avseende olika sociala grupper. 341 artiklar i svensk dagspress har undersökts med hjälp av kvantitativ innehållsanalys. Tjugo artiklar har också valts ut för en kritisk diskursanalys baserad på Norman Faircloughs modell och Kristina Boréus typologi över diskursiv diskriminering. Resultatet visar att negativa uttalanden om samkönade relationer inte är lika vanliga 2009 som de var 1995, och att representationerna har förändrats i riktning mot en större mångfald när det gäller könsfördelning såväl som olika former av sexuell orientering. Samma mönster kan ses när det gäller negativ andrafiering och förslag som pekar mot negativ särbehandling av samkönade par, vilka inte är lika vanliga 2009 som de var 1995. Den övergripande slutsatsen är att dagspressens rapportering om samkönade relationer har förändrats i riktning mot en mer tolerant diskurs. / This study examines the coverage of registered partnership and same-sex marriage inSwedish daily newspapers at two periods of time; 1995-01-01–1995-03-31 and 2009-05-01–2009-07-31. By comparisons between the representations of same-sex couples and the construction of the concept of marriage and family during the two periods, the aim has been to analyse whether the coverage of the topic has changed towards a more tolerant discourse. The questions raised concern for example the presence of different forms of discursive discrimination in the texts, and the frequency of positive/negative statements. The study is based on a social constructive perspective, and the assumption that the daily newspapers are important agents when it comes to maintaining or contesting the discourse on what is regarded as normal concerning different social groups. 341 articles in Swedish newspapers have been analysed using quantitative content analysis, and twenty articles have been selected for a critical discourse analysis based on Norman Fairclough’s approach and Kristina Boréu’s typology of discursive discrimination. The results show that negative statements about same-sex relations are less frequent in the texts 2009 compared to 1995 , and that the representations have changed towards a larger diversity concerning female and male same-sex couples as well as regarding different sexual orientations. The same pattern applies to negative other-presentation and proposals pointing towards unfavourable treatment of same-sex couples, which are not as visible in the daily newspapers in 2009 that it was in 1995. The overall conclusion is that the media coverage about same-sex couples has changed towards a more tolerant discourse.

When Donald Trump took the stage as the Republican presidential nominee at the Republican National Convention in July 2016, he made a historical appeal to LGBTQ Americans: to the boisterous applause of a Republican audience, he promised "to protect LGBTQ citizens from the violence and oppression of a hateful foreign ideology." Utilizing this historical moment as an indicator of shifting political views around LGBTQ rights in the Republican Party and the US nation-state as a whole, this paper links contemporary iterations of the War on Terror to the legalization of same-sex marriage in June 2015. Connecting same-sex marriage to the US nation-building project, I argue that the "dignity" newly available to certain queer folks via the institution of marriage makes possible an articulation of queer-defensibility that services a Republican investment in the aging War on Terror and the sustained targeting and hyper-surveillance of Muslims globally.

Thesis advisor: Donald Hafner / There is perhaps no issue more controversial in the so-called American culture war than that of gay marriage. In the last five years, four states have legalized same-sex marriages and several more appear poised to follow suit. This paper creates an analytical framework with which to evaluate the chances of successful gay marriage initiatives in any given state. Demographics, political institutions, and state-specific variables make up the three parts of the framework, which is then applied to three case studies in which gay marriage has already been addressed: Massachusetts, Vermont, and California. A fourth case, Maine, serves as a prediction state to test the validity of the framework. The paper’s conclusions indicate that, in the current political and cultural domain, there is a set of factors that tend to promote the legalization of gay marriage. The demographics of a population need to be such that they qualify as a “tolerant citizenry,” people who are hesitatingly accepting of gay marriage and can be persuaded to support that legalization. On the political side, a positive evaluation of gay marriage by the state supreme court that then passes on responsibility to the state legislature is the most conducive to legalization. The court provides the constitutional and legal grounds for gay marriage, while the legislature acts as an intermediary between the justices and the wider population. Finally, states in which the constitutions are difficult to amend, and which amendment procedures are controlled by the legislature, are the most likely to legalize gay marriage. The application of the framework to the three case studies illustrates this complex process. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2009. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science Honors Program. / Discipline: Political Science.

Registered partnership - actual situation in Europe Abstract This thesis deals with the registered partnership and cohabitation of two persons of the same sex in the same-sex marriage. The thesis deals not only with the Czech legal system, but also with other european countries. The aim of the thesis is to compare the individual legal regulations and to review the actual tendencies of the european states in this respect. The text focuses mainly on the current situation in individual countries, the facts as concerning the establishment and termination of registered partnerships and partners' property relations are described. The subject of homoparentality and the possibility of adopting homosexual children is also discussed. The thesis is divided into 6 chapters, which gradually describe sub-areas related to this civil law institut. The first chapter defines the basic concepts and briefly describes the historical development of homosexual perceptions and the view of homosexuality. The next chapter describes the gradual legalization of a registered partnership in Europe, focusing on legislative processes in the Czech Republic. The third chapter discusses the emergence and termination of a legal partnership between same-sex persons, whether registered partnerships or same-sex marriages. The fourth chapter...

Recent political and cultural trends have led to an evaluation of the meaning of marriage within American society, and especially marriage as it concerns couples of the same sex. However, little research has been done to find out how attitudes toward same-sex marriage might vary according to race and ethnicity. Drawing on data from the 2004 National Politics Study, the author investigates same-sex marriage attitudes and tests hypotheses concerning the attitudes of various American race-ethnic groups. This study employs multinomial logistic regression analysis to compare attitudes of African Americans, Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites. Results indicate that even when socio demographic factors such as education and gender are controlled for, ethnic groups still differ in their attitudes toward this topic. Analyses also indicate that the relationship between race/ethnicity and attitudes toward same-sex unions does not vary by gender and that foreign birth explains the relationship between Hispanic ethnicity and attitudes toward same-sex marriage.