This study originated from personal experience, as a member of a Board of Trustee (BOT) within Kura Kaupapa Maaori (KKM). The workload required for Kura compliance with government regulation and legislation, was phenomenal. The BOT model seemed to be structured on a corporate model of governance with accountability to the Ministry of Education. This contradicted with the needs of Kura whaanau to be involved in Kura decisionmaking. The BOT model unintentionally created a separation and tension between whaanau and BOT members. This research set out to explore the BOT model of governance within our Kura, from a cultural perspective, rather, than researching problems identified by ERa. The research undertook a review of the literature that placed the BOT model within the 1984 -1990 Economic Reforms. It highlighted the impact of past government policies, and administration, on the Maaori language and culture to illuminate the cultural, economic, political and social context of the establishment of Kura Kaupapa Maaori and the doctrine of Te Aho Matua (TAM). The BOT model, and KKM/TAM, are founded on differing values. The study was approached from a Kaupapa Maaori perspective; not wishing to reaffirm the negative stigma of past research undertaken of Maaori. The objectives of the study were to gain an understanding of whaanau cultural capacity, perceptions and understanding of KKM and TAM; and also, whaanau understanding of the BOT model. The research design consisted of a case study. This involved a questionnaire to all whaanau; and in-depth discussions with a sample of twelve whaanau. Appropriate ethical considerations were given to the process, which addressed both academic and cultural needs. Findings clearly identify the structure, and nature of the BOT model, being problematic within the cultural framework of a KKM underpinned by Te Aho Matua. The values and principles between the model and TAM fundamentally conflict. Findings also identify key factors, that both government and Kura whaanau can utilise, in advancing whaanau governance.

This study originated from personal experience, as a member of a Board of Trustee (BOT) within Kura Kaupapa Maaori (KKM). The workload required for Kura compliance with government regulation and legislation, was phenomenal. The BOT model seemed to be structured on a corporate model of governance with accountability to the Ministry of Education. This contradicted with the needs of Kura whaanau to be involved in Kura decisionmaking. The BOT model unintentionally created a separation and tension between whaanau and BOT members. This research set out to explore the BOT model of governance within our Kura, from a cultural perspective, rather, than researching problems identified by ERa. The research undertook a review of the literature that placed the BOT model within the 1984 -1990 Economic Reforms. It highlighted the impact of past government policies, and administration, on the Maaori language and culture to illuminate the cultural, economic, political and social context of the establishment of Kura Kaupapa Maaori and the doctrine of Te Aho Matua (TAM). The BOT model, and KKM/TAM, are founded on differing values. The study was approached from a Kaupapa Maaori perspective; not wishing to reaffirm the negative stigma of past research undertaken of Maaori. The objectives of the study were to gain an understanding of whaanau cultural capacity, perceptions and understanding of KKM and TAM; and also, whaanau understanding of the BOT model. The research design consisted of a case study. This involved a questionnaire to all whaanau; and in-depth discussions with a sample of twelve whaanau. Appropriate ethical considerations were given to the process, which addressed both academic and cultural needs. Findings clearly identify the structure, and nature of the BOT model, being problematic within the cultural framework of a KKM underpinned by Te Aho Matua. The values and principles between the model and TAM fundamentally conflict. Findings also identify key factors, that both government and Kura whaanau can utilise, in advancing whaanau governance.

This study originated from personal experience, as a member of a Board of Trustee (BOT) within Kura Kaupapa Maaori (KKM). The workload required for Kura compliance with government regulation and legislation, was phenomenal. The BOT model seemed to be structured on a corporate model of governance with accountability to the Ministry of Education. This contradicted with the needs of Kura whaanau to be involved in Kura decisionmaking. The BOT model unintentionally created a separation and tension between whaanau and BOT members. This research set out to explore the BOT model of governance within our Kura, from a cultural perspective, rather, than researching problems identified by ERa. The research undertook a review of the literature that placed the BOT model within the 1984 -1990 Economic Reforms. It highlighted the impact of past government policies, and administration, on the Maaori language and culture to illuminate the cultural, economic, political and social context of the establishment of Kura Kaupapa Maaori and the doctrine of Te Aho Matua (TAM). The BOT model, and KKM/TAM, are founded on differing values. The study was approached from a Kaupapa Maaori perspective; not wishing to reaffirm the negative stigma of past research undertaken of Maaori. The objectives of the study were to gain an understanding of whaanau cultural capacity, perceptions and understanding of KKM and TAM; and also, whaanau understanding of the BOT model. The research design consisted of a case study. This involved a questionnaire to all whaanau; and in-depth discussions with a sample of twelve whaanau. Appropriate ethical considerations were given to the process, which addressed both academic and cultural needs. Findings clearly identify the structure, and nature of the BOT model, being problematic within the cultural framework of a KKM underpinned by Te Aho Matua. The values and principles between the model and TAM fundamentally conflict. Findings also identify key factors, that both government and Kura whaanau can utilise, in advancing whaanau governance.

This study originated from personal experience, as a member of a Board of Trustee (BOT) within Kura Kaupapa Maaori (KKM). The workload required for Kura compliance with government regulation and legislation, was phenomenal. The BOT model seemed to be structured on a corporate model of governance with accountability to the Ministry of Education. This contradicted with the needs of Kura whaanau to be involved in Kura decisionmaking. The BOT model unintentionally created a separation and tension between whaanau and BOT members. This research set out to explore the BOT model of governance within our Kura, from a cultural perspective, rather, than researching problems identified by ERa. The research undertook a review of the literature that placed the BOT model within the 1984 -1990 Economic Reforms. It highlighted the impact of past government policies, and administration, on the Maaori language and culture to illuminate the cultural, economic, political and social context of the establishment of Kura Kaupapa Maaori and the doctrine of Te Aho Matua (TAM). The BOT model, and KKM/TAM, are founded on differing values. The study was approached from a Kaupapa Maaori perspective; not wishing to reaffirm the negative stigma of past research undertaken of Maaori. The objectives of the study were to gain an understanding of whaanau cultural capacity, perceptions and understanding of KKM and TAM; and also, whaanau understanding of the BOT model. The research design consisted of a case study. This involved a questionnaire to all whaanau; and in-depth discussions with a sample of twelve whaanau. Appropriate ethical considerations were given to the process, which addressed both academic and cultural needs. Findings clearly identify the structure, and nature of the BOT model, being problematic within the cultural framework of a KKM underpinned by Te Aho Matua. The values and principles between the model and TAM fundamentally conflict. Findings also identify key factors, that both government and Kura whaanau can utilise, in advancing whaanau governance.

This study originated from personal experience, as a member of a Board of Trustee (BOT) within Kura Kaupapa Maaori (KKM). The workload required for Kura compliance with government regulation and legislation, was phenomenal. The BOT model seemed to be structured on a corporate model of governance with accountability to the Ministry of Education. This contradicted with the needs of Kura whaanau to be involved in Kura decisionmaking. The BOT model unintentionally created a separation and tension between whaanau and BOT members. This research set out to explore the BOT model of governance within our Kura, from a cultural perspective, rather, than researching problems identified by ERa. The research undertook a review of the literature that placed the BOT model within the 1984 -1990 Economic Reforms. It highlighted the impact of past government policies, and administration, on the Maaori language and culture to illuminate the cultural, economic, political and social context of the establishment of Kura Kaupapa Maaori and the doctrine of Te Aho Matua (TAM). The BOT model, and KKM/TAM, are founded on differing values. The study was approached from a Kaupapa Maaori perspective; not wishing to reaffirm the negative stigma of past research undertaken of Maaori. The objectives of the study were to gain an understanding of whaanau cultural capacity, perceptions and understanding of KKM and TAM; and also, whaanau understanding of the BOT model. The research design consisted of a case study. This involved a questionnaire to all whaanau; and in-depth discussions with a sample of twelve whaanau. Appropriate ethical considerations were given to the process, which addressed both academic and cultural needs. Findings clearly identify the structure, and nature of the BOT model, being problematic within the cultural framework of a KKM underpinned by Te Aho Matua. The values and principles between the model and TAM fundamentally conflict. Findings also identify key factors, that both government and Kura whaanau can utilise, in advancing whaanau governance.

Thesis (Ed. D.)--Illinois State University, 1995. / Title from title page screen, viewed May 10, 2006. Dissertation Committee: John R. McCarthy (chair), Marcilene Dutton, Edward R. Hines, David L. Tucker. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 147-153) and abstract. Also available in print.

Thesis (MEd)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The democratic elections in South Africa in 1994 were followed by far-reaching changes. Legislation was changed to entrench the democratic principles of the young democracy and to involve South African communities in decision-making. For example, the South African Schools Act (84 of 1996) was introduced to promote democracy and to transform society. It merged the different pre-1994 education departments, to build an education system on a non-discriminatory basis, to protect the education rights of learners and to give parents more power in school governance. The introduction of school governing bodies with certain powers and responsibilities was a significant step towards the decentralisation of power in the South African school system. The aim of the study was to explore the role of school governing bodies in recommending candidates for appointment as school principals and to establish what challenges they experienced. A qualitative research design was used to answer the research question. Personal interviews were held with eight governing body members of two schools and a departmental official. Data was generated by semi-structured questions, enabling participants to share their experiences and perceptions of the recommendation process. The data was subsequently analysed and findings stated. The literature review in Chapter 2 revealed huge challenges for parents on governing bodies, especially in previously disadvantaged schools, with parents‟ illiteracy as a key factor. The school governing bodies that participated in the study were heavily dependent on the guidance of the departmental official. They moreover admitted that they were unable to carry out the recommendation process without the official‟s guidance. Secondly, the research findings showed that the governing body members had little knowledge of education policies and were inadequately trained. This study attempted to gain a deeper understanding of the school governing bodies‟ perspectives of their own abilities. Despite the challenges they experienced, they believed that they were able to fulfil their duties and that they did not need any schooling to serve on the school governing body. The results indicate that the literacy levels of members of school governing bodies nevertheless do play a role in their ability to carry out their duties and activities and that more intensive training is needed to enhance their capacity. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Na die demokratiese verkiesing in 1994 het grootskaalse veranderinge in Suid-Afrika plaasgevind. Wetgewing is verander om gestalte te gee aan die demokratiese beginsels van die jong demokrasie en om die Suid-Afrikaanse gemeenskap te betrek in sekere besluitnemings. Die Suid-Afrikaanse Skolewet (84 van 1996) is byvoorbeeld ingestel om demokrasie te bevorder en om die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing te transformeer. Dit het die verskillende onderwysdepartemente van voor 1994 verenig om die onderwysongelykhede van die verlede reg te stel, leerders se regte ten opsigte van opvoeding te beskerm en die ouergemeenskap groter inspraak in en deelname aan skoolbeheer te gee. Skoolbeheerliggame is ingestel met sekere magte en verantwoordelikhede. Die vestiging van skoolbeheerliggame verteenwoordig ʼn betekenisvolle desentralisasie van mag in die Suid-Afrikaanse skolestelsel. Hierdie navorsing het beoog om die rol wat skoolbeheerliggame speel in die aanbeveling van kandidate vir aanstelling as prinsipale in skole na te vors en vas te stel watter uitdagings hulle ervaar. Om die navorsingsvraag te beantwoord, is ‟n kwalitatiewe navorsingsontwerp gebruik. Data is verkry deur persoonlike onderhoude te voer met agt lede van twee skole se skoolbeheerliggame en een departementele amptenaar. Semi-gestruktureerde vrae het deelnemers in staat gestel om hul eie ervarings en persepsies van die aanbevelingsproses te beskryf. Daarna is die data ontleed en bevindings gemaak. Die literatuurstudie in hoofstuk 2 dui aan dat daar groot uitdagings is vir ouers op skoolbeheerliggame, veral in voorheen benadeelde skole, as gevolg van die ongeletterdheid van die ouers. Die skoolbeheerliggame in hierdie studie toon groot afhanklikheid van die hulp van die departementele amptenaar en erken selfs dat hulle nie die aanbevelingsproses sonder die hulp van dié amptenaar sou kon uitvoer nie. Tweedens is daar ook bevind dat die skoolbeheerliggame min kennis het van onderwyswetgewing en dat hul opleiding baie gebrekkig is. Hierdie studie het ook gepoog om ʼn dieper insig te verkry van die skoolbeheerliggame se perspektiewe van hul eie vermoëns. Ten spyte van die tekortkominge wat die lede van die skoolbeheerliggame ervaar, glo hulle dat hulle opgewasse is vir die taak en dat hulle geen skolastiese opleiding benodig om in ‟n skoolbeheerliggaam te dien nie. Die resultate toon egter dat die geletterdheidsvlakke van die lede van skoolbeheerliggame wel ʼn rol speel in die uitvoering van hul pligte en werksaamhede en dat meer intensiewe opleiding nodig is om hul kapasiteit te verhoog.

This study explored the role of School Governing Bodies (SGBs) in public schools in the Gert Sibande district of the Mpumalanga Province of South Africa. It focused on executive members of the SGB of three institutions and their school principals, who play a key role in school governance. The study was conducted using three case studies with the pseudo names as: Lepogo, Nkwe and Tau schools. The executive members of the SGBs comprised the Chairperson, Deputy Chairperson, Secretary, Deputy Secretary and Treasurer. The aim of the study was to determine the impact of their roles on the implementation of educational policies, including the South African Schools Act of 1996. The study used qualitative methodology in the form of conducting focus group interviews (see Annexure A), doing document analysis (see section 3.7.3) and making observations (see Annexure B) during the meetings with SGBs. The findings indicated that the SGB members who were interviewed had minimal knowledge of how their roles impacted on the schools that they governed. It was also clear from the interviews that the training they received on an ad hoc basis was insufficient. Furthermore, this training was also conducted by individuals who seemed to be unsure about how to interpret the school policies in SASA policy documents. With regard to sub-committees, such as the recently introduced Quality Learning and Teaching Campaign (QLTC) comprising all stakeholders in education; it was disappointing to find, based on the three schools which participated in the study, that this was ineffective, and no meetings were held after its formation. The study revealed that the school policies embodied in SASA documents and the Constitution of South Africa were not used effectively, in order to give proper guidance on how SGBs should execute their roles. Moreover, the study revealed that retired officials were given the task of training the trainers, who were then expected to train the members of the SGB, and this was ineffective. Finally, the study revealed that the principals were expected to represent their schools and simultaneously represent the Department of Education in an ex officio position. This was not working, since no person can serve two masters at the same time. Therefore, the study emphasised the need to appoint neutral people to deal with school governance and report directly to the HoD (see Figure 5.1). All stakeholders are important, but they need to respect boundaries. In conclusion, the recommendations and the proposed model were deliberately designed and structured to offer practical solutions to the problems discussed in the research findings. It is also important that the training should be accompanied by some kind of assessment, in order to determine whether or not the SGB members have understood what they were taught. Furthermore, there should be follow-ups to ascertain to what extent the SGB members have implemented what they were taught in their schools, which is not happening at present. / Educational Leadership and Management / D. Ed. (Education Management)

The dawn of democracy in South Africa also led to the democratization of schools which added the role of ex-officio member of the School Governing Body (SGB) to that of principal as school manager. Many previous studies have left a gap in understanding how school principals manage their roles as managers and ex-officio members of SGBs. Hence, this qualitative study which sought to explore how principals perceive their roles as managers and ex-officio members of SGBs within their schools and their experiences of performing their roles in school management and governance; to identify the challenges experienced by principals in performing their dual roles; and to establish how school principals manage the identified challenges. Semi-structured interviews with, and documents received from, six participant principals were used for the purpose of collecting data for this study. The participants were selected from one circuit in a rural area of Limpopo Province. The six schools, used in this study, were three secondary schools and three primary schools. All the schools are „no fee paying schools.‟ Most of the parents are illiterate and unemployed. The selected primary schools are among the schools which obtained high scores in the Annual National Assessment (ANA). For the secondary schools, the performance of learners in their Matriculation examination was used as the selection criteria. The selected schools were, therefore, those with good academic performance in the ANA and the Matriculation examination and demonstrated good governance. The findings of this study show that the principals who participated in the study seem to struggle in coping with their teaching, management and governance roles. Most of the principals admitted that there is a need to balance their roles, which is not easy, due to other factors, such as teaching, social responsibilities and a lack of time – amongst others. Working with illiterate SGB members is an extra burden for principals as ex-officio members as they have to train them and, at times, perform duties that are often the responsibility of other members of the SGBs. / Educational Leadership and Management / M. Ed. (Education Management)

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-06-20T17:31:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 amandacristinabastoscosta.pdf: 631086 bytes, checksum: f8501a7a04122b69c61f6508938e9d52 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-07-13T15:24:49Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 amandacristinabastoscosta.pdf: 631086 bytes, checksum: f8501a7a04122b69c61f6508938e9d52 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-07-13T15:25:02Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 amandacristinabastoscosta.pdf: 631086 bytes, checksum: f8501a7a04122b69c61f6508938e9d52 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-13T15:25:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 amandacristinabastoscosta.pdf: 631086 bytes, checksum: f8501a7a04122b69c61f6508938e9d52 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-08-31 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este estudo se propôs a realizar uma análise acerca da concepção de participação social no contexto das políticas educacionais durante o período do bloco no poder do governo de Luís Inácio Lula da Silva. Para isso, utilizamos uma política educacional específica no que diz respeito ao incentivo à participação no ambiente escolar. Trata-se do Programa Nacional de Fortalecimento dos Conselhos Escolares lançado em 2004 e que proclama como objetivo central o fortalecimento da formação e da consolidação dos Conselhos Escolares como forma de promover uma participação ativa dos cidadãos nas escolas. Nesse sentido buscamos compreender o conteúdo da participação social a partir dos seguintes objetivos: caracterizar os fundamentos da formação social brasileira que marcam as orientações políticas e ideológicas acerca da participação na educação; identificar a correlação de forças sociais, as disputas de poder e os projetos societários que contextualizam as diferentes perspectivas de participação formuladas na recente história educacional brasileira e analisar o conteúdo da participação expresso pelas políticas educacionais a partir dos cadernos do Programa Nacional de Fortalecimento dos Conselhos Escolares, do Ministério da Educação. Com base no materialismo-histórico utilizamos como metodologia a análise documental, por entender que tais documentos apresentam intencionalidades, interesses específicos e atuam no sentido de intervir diretamente na sociedade. Para a construção dessa análise, buscamos compreender a participação social na filosofia clássica nas origens do liberalismo baseado em Locke e Rousseau e em sua crítica às formulações de democracia e Estado de Marx e Engels e posteriormente de Gramsci e Poulantzas. Logo depois, procuramos compreender a participação, mais especificamente, na formação social brasileira a partir do processo de inserção tardia ao modo de produção capitalista até os anos do neoliberalismo. Nesse último período articulamos o processo de reestruturação produtiva ao contexto de formulação das políticas públicas para a área educacional, demarcando a participação no nível da pequena política além de suas especificidades no bloco do poder de Lula em relação ao de FHC. Confirmamos essas questões ao analisarmos o material fornecido pelo PNFCE, onde destacamos a participação como ponto central no novo padrão de sociabilidade e que expressa o programa político do neoliberalismo da Terceira Via. Seu objetivo é de estabelecer uma estratégia de consenso e coesão sociais, sem proporcionar a construção de um nível de consciência política elevada. Nesse sentido, seu conteúdo nega um projeto contra-hegemônico da classe trabalhadora. / This study aimed to execute an analysis on the social participation design in the context of educational policies during the period of the power bloc of the government of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva. For this, we used a specific education policy regard to the encouragement of the participation in the school setting. This is the National Program for the School Boards Strengthening released in 2004 and it proclaims as its main objective the strengthening of training and consolidation of School Boards as a way of promoting active participation of citizens in schools. In this respect we tried to comprehend the content of social participation on the bases of the following objectives: to characterize the ground rules of the Brazilian social formation that highlight the political and ideological regarding to the educational participation, to identify the social forces correlation, the power struggles and corporate projects that contextualize the different participation perspectives issued in the recent Brazilian educational history and analyze the contents of participation expressed by the educational policies from the National Program for Strengthening of School Boards guide book, the Departament of Education. Based on the historical-materialism we used as methodology the documental analysis, understanding that these documents present intentions, specific interests and act to intervene directly in the society. For this analysis construction, we seek to understand the social participation in classical philosophy of the origins of liberalism based on Locke and Rousseau and his their critique of democracy and rule formulations of Marx and Engels and later Gramsci and Poulantzas. Soon after, we sought to understand the participation, more specifically, in the Brazilian social development from the process of late introduction of the capitalist production mode until the neoliberalism years. In this last period we articulated the process of productive restructuration to the context of public policies for education formulation, pointing out the participation on the level of the small politics beyond its specificities on the Lula’s power bloc related to FHC. We confirmed these questions by analyzing the material provided by National Program for the School Boards Strengthening, where we emphasize the participation as a central point in the new pattern of sociability and that expresses the political program of the Third Way neoliberalism. Its goal is to establish a strategy of consensus and social cohesion, without allowing the construction of a high level of political consciousness. Accordingly, its contents denies a counterhegemonic project of the working class.